The co-chair of Kobanê University, Şervan Mislim, spoke to ANF about the founding process of the university, its educational model, and the level it has reached today. He said that the university, founded in 2017 based on the academic needs that emerged after the Kobanê resistance, developed significantly in a short time. Mislim emphasized that Kobanê University not only built an educational system that responds to the needs of the region but also raised its academic level each year through relations established with international universities.

Mislim recalled that Kobanê University started education in 2017 only with the Kurdish Language and Literature, and Physics and Chemistry faculties, and added: “After the victory of the Kobanê resistance and the defeat of ISIS, there was a need for a university in Kobanê. Previously, Afrin University opened in 2015, and Rojava University in 2016. Therefore, it was considered necessary to establish a university in Kobanê to initiate academic education and ensure that students could continue their studies from first to twelfth grade. For this reason, Kobanê University was opened in 2017.”

Mislim said that they started with 32 students, and added: “The system of Kobanê University is different from other universities. We conducted research around the world, and then we built our own system. We had criteria. We opened departments according to the needs of society. We decided to open departments such as Medicine, Teaching, Electricity, Computer Science, and many others. We started with two faculties, and today dozens have been opened. We went from 32 to 1,600 students.

Our university has faculties of Kurdish Language and Literature, Arabic Language and English Literature. There are departments of Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, and Biology. There is an Education Faculty with Classroom Teaching and Preschool Teaching departments. There is a Law Faculty and a Faculty of Social Sciences which includes Sociology, Jineology, Philosophy, and History. There are Medical Sciences faculties such as Nursing, Laboratory, Emergency Medicine, and Anesthesia. There are Technical, Computer, and Electricity departments. There is also an Agriculture Faculty. Many of our 1,600 students have now graduated. After graduation, these students take positions in the Autonomous Administration institutions and begin working according to their fields. We see our students working according to their specialties in schools, hospitals, and in every institution of society.”

Working jointly with many universities

Mislim also emphasized their relations with universities worldwide: “Every year we increase our departments. Many doctors and professors across Syria now work at our university. Our university is now at the stage of establishing international relations. This shows its level of development. We have had relations with many academics and opened master’s programs. We are currently preparing to open a doctoral program in Kurdish Language and Literature. We established relations with the Silêmanî Institute. We also signed an agreement with a university in Poland; this was a very important step. It will allow our students to go to Poland and their students to come here.”

Mislim added: “We also have relations with universities in South Kurdistan and hope to sign agreements. We have also carried out joint work with universities in America, Poland, and the Philippines. This means that our educational level has risen considerably. Our work has paid off; our diplomas have become a starting point and a document of recognition. At the same time, Kobanê University will develop many academic programs in accordance with the needs of society and for the advancement of artificial intelligence.”

Raqqa is a very ancient city, with an Arab majority where Kurds and Assyrians have always coexisted, with a desert climate but tinged by the intense blue of the Euphrates River and the green vegetation of its banks. When we visited in 2018, 90% of the city had been destroyed due to the war. I remembered very well the square from which the YPJ Command had announced the end of the Battle of Raqqa and its liberation. That square had been used by Daesh to spread its message of terror, placing decapitated heads around it, and people caged in its center. The same square that had been a symbol of the deepest brutality of our century for four years, now became a symbol of liberation and hope.

The second time I visited Raqqa was a few months ago. Seven years later, the city seemed different. From its ruins, Raqqa had risen again. The life, noise and color bore no resemblance to the silence, mistrust and sadness that permeated the first time. Raqqa had awakened from a nightmare that had been too long, and which was not easy to forget. With great effort and determination, the former Daesh capital had become the administrative capital of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria, led by women, and with representation from all ethnic and religious communities. We had the opportunity to visit the Zenobia center, the women’s movement of the Arab regions, or liberated regions, as they called them. Arab women, like Kurdish women, were leading the transformation process of their society, carrying out awareness and sensitization work, and training and organizing other women. The center was adorned with small and numerous flags of Abdullah Öcalan, leader and founder of the democratic nation paradigm on which the Rojava Revolution is based; a paradigm within which the Arab women of Raqqa had found the possibility to exist. Images of Arab and Kurdish women who had been martyred by attacks from Turkey or jihadist groups could be seen in the room where they received us. Those women, who had lived under Daesh’s yoke and continued to rebel against the classic and traditional roles their community expected of them, were happy, strong and determined to continue insisting on freedom and dignity.

In recent days, with the attacks carried out by the groups of the Transitional Government of Damascus and Turkey in the region, and with Raqqa once again under HTS control, a new way of naming Daesh’s Salafist ideology, with all the images and information arriving from there about the return of the nightmare they were trying to forget since 2017, I constantly ask myself: What has become of them?

What is being attacked today, in addition to a people and a land, is a way and culture of life, dignity itself and the beauty of coexistence. But if Rojava and Raqqa have demonstrated anything in these years, it is that once women open their eyes, there is nothing that can close them again; once women have decided to live in freedom, they will always find a way to get there; there is nothing that can stop the strength and will of women.

I wanted to take advantage of this short article to share part of the interview conducted in 2019 with Cihan Sheik Ahmed, YPJ Commander and spokesperson of the Battle of Raqqa, published in the book Woman Life Freedom: In the Fire of the Women’s Revolution in Rojava. Cihan is a Kurd from Raqqa:

“For me it was a great experience to coordinate the war as spokesperson. I wrote my name in history representing the YPJ. I’m really happy. When the jihadists entered Raqqa I was there. It was like a wound. I was wounded in Raqqa. We had to leave. But in my head there was always the dream of returning to Raqqa, of liberating Raqqa. When the Raqqa front started it was natural that I participated. Because I know both the territory and the people. The people of Raqqa called us; they knew the Syrian Democratic Forces and the pain they suffered with Daesh had reached the highest level. Therefore, our start of the front was on one side for the people and on the other side revenge for the Yazidi women. Raqqa was a peaceful city. There are Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians… Our neighbors were from everywhere; Muslims, Christians. There were no differences among us. That city that is always beautiful in your imagination is now a place where women are sold, are raped. My family lived for a year in Raqqa under Daesh. The pain of the family and the people was the main reason to go liberate the city, along with the call of the people.

In Raqqa the reality was that there were women both in coordination, in combat and on the most advanced fronts. Our comrades also fought, I’m not saying they didn’t. But, to this day, all the wars in the world and in history were always carried out with the man’s mentality, and the war that men make is very different from the war that women make. The war that men make brings with it more destruction. It brings power. But the war that women make brings life with it. I was in Raqqa as spokesperson. Maybe at first they didn’t know us in the ideological sense, because we went directly to the front, but people saw in the women, in their struggle and in their sacrifice, the revolution of what we now call the revolution of northern and eastern Syria. We say that our revolution is for all of Syria, although previously the people of Manbij, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, were far from us. They didn’t like us much. On the front, women, men, girls or elderly women, when we moved them to security zones, saw our strength, that is, they saw life.

In the women of our Arab population, something very strange happened, because our Kurdish and Arab cultures are different from each other. In addition, we as Kurdish society have a heritage, we know the movement, and there is a sensitivity. Therefore, for years, we have always developed our search for freedom. This has always been in the Kurdish people. But in our Arab society, especially in women, it had not occurred. They learned about it after the liberation of these cities. At first, when young Arab women came to join us, they said, “give us weapons so we can take revenge on Daesh”. They had killed their father, or their mother, or their brother, they had cut their necks. They wanted revenge, because the pain that women have suffered with Daesh is really a very great pain. But after they arrived and joined us, the first need was for them to know themselves, to know their personality, to know their history and their existence, so they could make their decisions. That’s why we said, “our revenge is everything we can know about ourselves as women”. Our revenge is not just military. Why do I say this? YPJ doesn’t just go to war and fight against enemies. First of all, it aims to end this mentality of power that has been established in society for thousands of years; to break with the mentality of domination and build again women’s own will. When Arab women understood this reality they became stronger, in the sense of thought and confidence; it has been made known to the world that women, if they triumph mentally, are liberated. Until women are not mentally free, they cannot take up arms and fight. Daesh represents the highest level of the mentality of domination, a mentality that wants to eliminate us. If we are not united, if we do not carry out a strong struggle, if we do not make our organization bigger, we will always encounter this mentality. Daesh tomorrow will be called something else. It won’t be long before we finish with Daesh, but its mentality is still there. That’s why our struggle doesn’t end with the end of Daesh. Our struggle will end with the elimination of the dominant mentality. When we really build a free society with the color of women; then we can say that we have reached the result we want.

It was a very great triumph. On one side we fought, but on the other side we also made our organization bigger. We would take a town and all the youth would join us. They received training and participated on the front. Tribal leaders met with us, they helped us a lot, and the people were on our side. If in a war where the people are on your side, you will win; this is a reality. People said, “we are relaxed when we see that in front of a team there are women, we know that town will be liberated, that neighborhood will be liberated”. In Raqqa they said “Kurdish women”, but really they were YPJ women. For us it was a very great experience. The psychology of the people of Raqqa was different, because of Daesh’s violence. When you liberated these people, when you looked them in the eyes, you saw that the value of life, the hope for life, had died. For this reason, our Raqqa front was not only military but also social, it was a humanitarian front. How do you bring a person back to life? You listen to the children that Daesh has trained, and you know that these children have lost their childhood. War, murder, beheading, cutting off hands. When you hug them and they smile, something new is created inside them, you feel that they desire life. In Raqqa, when we arrived, people told us, “are you real?”. It was like a dream. Once, a woman approached me, kissed me and said, “this is enough for me, you are a woman who has come to liberate us”. A woman who comes to free women; a woman who comes to save women. Another woman said, “I look at you and I feel happy, I see myself in you”. True, we liberated Raqqa, we liberated Manbij, now (2019) we are liberating Deir ez-Zor, but these people have a great need for psychological help. Building a city again is not a problem, but building a person again, this is the most important thing. If we look at history, we see that all the wars that have occurred have been for power, for domination, but women fight for their existence, for freedom.”

This story begins in Afrin.

Afrin is a painful word for those who call it home, because they haven’t been there for a long time. Since the Turkish occupation in 2018, many have been living in a camp set up near to Afrin, in Shehba, staying as close as they could. Last winter, they were again forced out by the war waged by jihadist mercenaries, who have now been incorporated into the Syrian army.  Many of the people stayed in a new camp in Tabqa. We visited them there, were invited into their tents, and heard about the hardships they face: the cold in winter, the heat in summer, but also their determination to stay together and one day return to Afrin.  This winter, with Tabqa being attacked and taken by the Syrian transitional government and their jihadist mercenary gangs, these people were violently forced to leave once again. In the far northwest of Syria, the Afrin region was liberated from the Ba’ath regime in 2012 during the Rojava Revolution. As throughout the liberated territory, the people themselves established democratic institutions of self-governance. Since then, society had organized itself into communes and councils, a community economy was established through cooperatives, and a sense of community was developed through education.

“This means that whenever a decision was made, the commune was involved, and for problem solving as well. The commune creates the organization of society; we give it the greatest importance of all institutions and councils. Everyone finds a place in the commune,” says the women that are active in the institutions of self-governed refugee camp in Tabqa. This democratic system, in which every individual participates in decision-making processes, so that these are made in the interest of the common good, represents the people’s of North and East Syria vision of a free life. This life is based on democratic and ecological values, with the necessity of women’s liberation and gender equality taking center stage.

The women continue their story of life in Afrin: “At the beginning of the Rojava Revolution in 2012/2013, Afrin lived in a self-sufficient circular economy. People fed themselves from the land that surrounded them. Every house had trees in the yard and gardens. When growing plants for sale, chemical fertilizers are used to increase profits, but there was no such thing in Afrin. When the women grew food at home, they met the needs of their households and perhaps also those of their neighbors and friends. Afrin was isolated (besieged), and we could have survived like that for another ten years. Why? Because every house had its own garden that could provide for itself. The women were instrumental in this, cultivating and watering the land. They planted flowers here and tomatoes there. A delicate rose here and beans next to it. The people of Afrin grew everything themselves. In addition, every house had sheep for yogurt, milk, and cheese. And these, too, were mostly cared for by the mothers.”

The women speak with pride about the natural circular economy and the importance of self-sufficiency in times of war and siege. The role of women and mothers in this, as the bearers of this communal life, is paramount for them. They speak of how green their homeland of Afrin is, in contrast to the arid landscape where they are now trying to rebuild their lives.

“You’d think you couldn’t plant anything [here], but we’ve planted everything”.

They don’t mean just any green, not lush grass green or dark fir green, but the gray-green of olive trees. Afrin is famous for its olive trees and oil production. The Turkish army, which violently disrupted communal life in Afrin in January 2018, called its military offensive “Operation Olive Branch.” With the newly created mercenary group “Syrian National Army” (SNA), which is intended to implement Turkish interests on the other side of the border in Syria, an offensive war against Afrin began on January 20th.

“During the Afrin War, there were suddenly warplanes in the sky above us. We had never seen anything like it in our lives. We had no experience of war,” the women recount about that day. Turkish interests were focused on defending a concept of homeland that allowed only one ethnic group, one language, one culture, and one religion to be at home. To establish this understanding, the Turkish state was built on the foundation of denying Kurdish society, language, ethnicity, and culture. The vibrant community life that developed through the Rojava Revolution on the other side of the Turkish border threatened to disprove this concept, especially since it was led by a Kurdish initiative. The women from Afrin tell how, through the shared resistance of women, ethnic divisions were overcome, as they assumed a leading role for the entire society.

The truth is, women have led life for thousands of years. But we, in the midst of it all, faced many difficulties. Whether we like it or not, in culture, religion, everywhere there are customs and traditions. The efforts and work of the women’s movement became a model and a source of strength for us. Within society, as women, to build autonomy among women, to get to know ourselves and liberate ourselves… and with this become pioneers for all women worldwide… In Afrin lived mainly Kurdish and Arab women, a few Turkmen families as well. When we talked about building up women’s communes, it felt as if the whole society was moving toward a line of correction. Society could take a deep breath… could breathe more easily. We made educations about the defense of women’s rights. Freedom is not easy… Women’s liberation means women must get to know themselves. We needed women’s communes because in them women could share their pain and suffering caused by oppressive traditions, fathers, brothers, or husbands with each other.

Two months after the start of the war of aggression, on March 18, 2018, the Turkish-backed SNA began its occupation of Afrin. They looted villages, raped, murdered, kidnapped, tortured, and committed numerous massacres of civilians. Speaking the Kurdish language became banned and persecuted, and the historically significant olive groves were burned. Thousands of people were forced to leave their home. Since Afrin had become a refuge for many fleeing previous wars, such as the ISIS attacks in Shengal, this displacement was the second in the lives of many. The people of Afrin did not give up their goal of returning home and therefore only traveled as far as necessary. Many went to Aleppo or Shehba. Shehba was also surrounded by the Turkish occupation and the totalitarian Syrian Assad regime and subjected to an economic embargo and constant attacks. The thousands of internally displaced people from Afrin did not give up and developed a vision of a free, communal life in the refugee camps.

After our arrival [in Shehba], we spent three months visiting families in tents. We went from house to house and talked about how women could support themselves, identify problems early on, and keep their children and the surrounding area clean. Because when women are well-prepared and empowered, they can provide for the whole family. Afterwards, we met in the community council. We discussed our situation, the war situation, how we had been displaced, and how we wanted to organize ourselves in the future.

In the refugee camps, self-defense was also organized. “If a stranger arrived (to the camp), someone from the self-defense committee would immediately check who it was. Now, three-quarters of the members of the self-defense committee are women. In general, the women are the ones who do the most work. Despite all the difficulties in the tents, especially for families with children, the women are resisting, organizing themselves, and defending themselves and their families.” Self-defense encompasses many roles. Some stand guard, go on patrol, and learn how to use weapons. Others “said they were needed at home, but they would inform the others if they noticed any problems.” Their aim was not only to organize daily life well in the war situation, but above all to create a future that could overcome the war.

We had set up a nursery in Shehba. Everything was ready for the children’s first day. The teachers had painted pictures on the wall. They asked, ‘Should we paint a car?’ I said, ‘Everything we paint should be from nature.’ They asked, ‘Why?’ and I said, ‘So that the children, both girls and boys, can observe nature and find peace. So that they grow up with love. When they observe nature, love will develop within them. Then they will also love their surroundings in general.’ The teachers agreed. Whoever loves nature loves everything. But we had to give up the daycare center and leave Shehba.

For seven years, the people from Afrin had lived in Shehba, continuing their self-governance in the camps and defending these values against the Turkish attacks. “When your hands plant something in the earth, you build knowledge and energy. When you are separated from that… Have you seen what they are doing to the olive trees in Afrin? They are cutting down the olive trees. Have you seen it? You cannot separate the women of Afrin from nature. People think that nothing grows in the camps. But we have planted everything. To be separated from that is like being separated from your own beauty, the love of life, of your spirit.”

When the Assad regime was overthrown in the fall of 2024, Turkey seized the opportunity and attacked the region with air and ground strikes by the SNA and the Turkish military. On December 2, 2024, the refugee camps were evacuated, and the people were forced to flee once again.

“This has an impact on people. Women are affected the most. Because they are often tied to the home, taking care of the household, raising the children. Whether everything necessary for life is available or not, whether there is work or not, whether everything is running smoothly or not… it affects them greatly. Some problems and difficulties are experienced as a result of this escape,” one of the women explains.

Another woman adds:

When we had to flee Shehba and came here, think about it, it was the middle of winter. We were in tents in the cold. But the women resisted and defended themselves in the camps, because a woman who isn’t organized and can’t defend herself, can’t live under such conditions. […] Together, the women support each other and encourage one another to defy the conditions.

Some families went to the cities and found work, others moved to other refugee camps, like the women interviewed in Tabqa, and still others moved to Aleppo. In Aleppo, they were integrated into the neighborhood communities in the self-governed districts of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh and became involved in the committees. The remaining parts of Aleppo were under the control of the new Syrian Transitional Government, which was formed after the Islamist militia Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized power in the fall of 2024. Because of their location, the two self-governing districts played a significant role and repeatedly were the scene of conflict. The transitional government fueled divisions and incitement, especially against religious and ethnic minorities in the self-governing districts. In a negotiation process for the integration of the self-defense units of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the transitional government, an agreement was reached on March 10, 2025. The goal of democratization should create a Syria in which all its inhabitants can find a home together.

Point 5 of the agreement states: “Guaranteeing the return of all displaced Syrians to their cities and villages and guaranteeing their protection by the Syrian state.”

And point 7: “Rejection of calls for division, hate speech, and attempts to sow discord among the population groups of Syria.”

Aleppo played a special role in the implementation of the agreement and the decentralization of Syria. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) entrusted the security of the self-governed neighborhoods to internal security forces rooted in the community self-defense committees. In April 2025, the civilian council of the neighborhoods signed an agreement with the Syrian Transitional Government. This agreement confirmed that the two neighborhoods would remain self-governed while still being recognized as part of Aleppo, respecting the area’s social and cultural identity. The roads to the rest of Aleppo were to be opened, and responsibility for the security of the neighborhoods was to be shared.

Toward the end of the year, it became increasingly clear that the processes of democratization and decentralization in Syria would not be implemented quickly, but instead were being blocked. The resulting tensions were particularly evident in the neighborhoods of Aleppo. In December, government forces blocked access roads to the neighborhoods, hindering the delivery of supplies. This was followed by military clashes between the government and internal security forces following attacks on public demonstrations. On January 6, 2026, mercenary militias loyal to the Syrian transitional government and Turkey launched a targeted attack on civilians and infrastructure using heavy weapons. They murdered and destroyed using inhumane methods. Many people left their neighborhoods, venturing once again into the unknown. Others heeded the call of the municipalities and councils and decided to remain in their neighborhoods and resist. The self-governing administration’s internal security forces defended the neighborhoods and resisted for days, whilst jihadist groups shows their complete distortion of life, capturing civilians, mutilating and desecrating the bodies of the murdered. Women, in particular, experienced violence at the hands of the attackers’ fascist jihadist mentality. This war in Syria is taking homeland in all its material sense of life, and additionally attacking a way of defining home as something alive, something that can lead a way to peace for the whole world. The people in Rojava despite the tears in their eyes, despite the pain that every war brings, know for certain: only a life of resistance can bring peace to their home. Even after eight years of occupation of Afrin, the people are still determined to return. “Everyone says the militias have taken over Afrin, cut down the trees, killed, occupied, and destroyed everything. But we want to return to our land. We will make Afrin green again, just like it was before. We women have this belief.”

One of the women concludes the conversation, and another adds:

I say, when I return to Afrin, I will go to the top of a mountain, build a mud house, and live there. We will be self-sufficient and not abandon this culture ever again. We will return to our culture, our way of life, so that we can easily put the years we had to leave Afrin behind us.

Some months ago we had the opportunity to meet and talk with the friends of the “Zenobia Women’s Gathering”. We talked about their struggles, how women become strong and the meaning of organizing as women in unity in women’s communes. We want the voices of the women of Zenobia to continually be part in our common struggle, especially as they are being silenced right now. We want their will and struggles to be known and heard, as there values and goals are being heavily attacked. We stand with the women, that are being murdered and attacked right now, and by making their words known, we want to articulate that our common struggle continues, as long as all women in the world are not stopped anymore from growing and can overcome the walls that condemns them from living their truth. Zenobia was founded in 2021 and named after the warrior queen of the Palmyra Empire, Zenobia. In Manbij, Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa women’s centers were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and inheritance. Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. The years of ISIS occupation left deep traces in the geography of this land, and in the mentality of society. Facing them as women means that the struggle for freedom includes many battles. In order to oppose the rules and traditions, the first step is to strengthen one’s will and to get to know oneself, which brings the taste freedom to women.

Interview taken on the 20th November 2025 in Raqqa. It is a translated version from Arabic into English.

What are you working for in Zenobia?

Noora: We are working here in Zenobia to improve [the situation of] women and to empower women in all the fields of life – in politics, economics – in every way. We are working to break the barriers inside, for every woman to know her truth and to make sure that she can be strong to take her gains. These days women are suffering from old traditions. From a lot of things. First of all, the violence, like sexual and physical. Also, women are forced to adopt thoughts that they don’t want, but that she must adopt these thoughts, because the men authority is forcing her to. Here, it is our job: to make every woman stronger, to be successful, stronger, so that she can have a better life than before. That’s it.

In what ways can women become stronger?

Noora: There are many ways. First of all, we visit women in their homes and give lectures to raise their consciousness about what they want and the rights they have. Every women needs to ask for her rights. You have the right to live. You have the right to learn. You have the right to do a lot of things. But in the right way. So we are making women conscious, so they know what they want for the future and so they can break the barriers inside their own hearts. You know, many women are afraid to ask for their rights because of the society. So, we are making them stronger. So, they can ask for their rights.

Leila: I want to add some more things we do to make women more conscious. First of all, the visits.We [also] have a project for giving lectures in Academies. We have Academies for women with a lot of programs. Some of them are closed. Closed means women come to the academy and stay there for one or two month, but without going home. And some of the programs are opened. That means that the program begins at 9.00 in the morning and goes until 3.00 in the afternoon. We do this because many women can’t [join the closed programs], because of their families and circumstances. Many families would never let their daughters go and sleep outside of their home. We want all women to be able to come to the Academy and take part in the lectures, to get to know themselves more, to be empowered and strengthened and to improve their social life and to improve their strength. All of this, from the academies and the lectures.

Can you tell about the changes in the women’s personality from the beginning to the end of the academies?

Noora: When coming to the Academy many women have a lot of difficulties. As we said before – the society, her brother, her father, men authority makes life hard for them. Women can not study, can not learn – but when they come to the academies, it is like entering a new world. She becomes stronger and it is like a shining on the women’s life, as she was living in darkness all of these years. In the academies, we support the women to get to know herself, her real self. That means they discover things in themselves they didn’t know they had, like abilities, preferences, hobbies. After the academy the women are more talented, more strong, more powerful and more confident in themselves. […] We keep supporting the women even after the academy. Because a lot of women are not confident in themselves, they cannot face the oppression on them. But when they are more strong [this changes]. And it’s a great thing that, these days, we find a lot of women going through the academies, they become teachers, they become leaders, like our friends here, we became leaders. [for the works of Zenobia.] So it’s like this for now, but we want to be able to make and give more. Not only for women here, but in all of Syria and all over the world.

How do the women come together and support each other in becoming stronger in your academies?

Noora: It’s about the spirit of friendship. All the women, when they come together as different personalities and from different environments, they become friends. They gain from each other with the touch between them. Even the teachers interact with each other as friends. As friends we do everything together and support each other in every way. It’s also possible to gain from each other’s personalities, like someone is very quiet and someone else very hard and often angry. By time, this angry person becomes more calm and the quiet person becomes more confident. They gain from each other. At the end of the academies the women cry when they separate from each other. They found each other in a group among friends, like families. They keep in touch with each other because they feel that they have a family, that they have support. They have someone that makes them more strong and more powerful. That’s it, the friendship spirit is the most important.

To continue this spirit of friendship: The system of self-governing in North-/East Syria is based on communes, as the smallest entities for society. When you hear the words “women’s commune”, what comes to your minds first?

Asma: Our system of communes has two parts: a general one and an autonomous one, for women only. The communes connect all the councils and committees. As women, we are the only ones that can understand other women. That’s why [it is important] to have autonomous communes for women only. The job [of the women’s commune] becomes protecting women. That means to know every woman in the neighborhood and ask for her circumstances, to know if she is under violence or anything that is hurting her. And to let her know that she can give her voice to the commune and councils and be heard. We have autonomous self-defense committees and health communes. [These topics are also connected:] Self defense is to protect women’s health. We are working on this project these days. We hope in the future [this system of communes] will be more in all of our community. We hope that even in all of Syria, there will be communes for women, specifically for women, to improve women’s life all around Syria. Because women in Syria are under a lot of violence, a lot of exclusion from politics in every way. They are excluding women from politics, from working, from economics, from everything. Women do not take part and are suffering. We hope that we can reach all those women and support them by building communes. We hope by the beginning of the year, in 2026, to start a [phase of strengthening and empowering the communes]. It will need some time, but we are working on it. Communes for women are so important. […] A lot of women are living in villages. The job of the women’s commune is to also reach those women.

What are the biggest challenges with building up these women’s communes?

Leila: The biggest challenge is the traditional culture of this area and above this, after ISIS came – it’s mentality, which is spread among men. Men can’t accept that women form a commune or can become powerful. Or that women can do a man’s job – it’s not accepted for them. So it’s hard, we need to change men’s minds, to convince them that women can be in these positions of power. This is the biggest challenge and we can’t say it’s easy. But we can [change], always. Even after ISIS and all of this mentality – and it’s such a hard mentality – we can [change]. We are working hard for this. We hope that we can change. Also the women’s mind are touched by this. These thoughts of ISIS are so horrible, so we hope to change.

How do women overcome/address the mentality built up by ISIS?

Leila: It’s one of the biggest challenges. But as we said before, about the difference in women before and after an academy. When women are more powerful and more confident with their thoughts and themselves, they will not fear anything, even not the mentality of ISIS. Most of them [the women after the Zenobia academies] are now in positions of power, in institutes, on committees, positions of power, powerful positions and political positions. They start as a communal person, as women in the communes. And they can get women, they will get any woman, because they are not fearing anymore. Her thoughts change. This fear is always and was always inside the woman, not outside of her. You know, women are the enemy of themselves, because they don’t know what they want and don’t know their rights. Or if she got rights, or if she can do anything. She didn’t know all of this. She was like, living in the darkness for all of these years. [After the academies] she knows now that she’s powerful. She knows her rights, she know her gains, and she can protect even her gains. She got [this] from knowledge, from strength. She can protect herself and her gains. That’s what she does now. And then she tries to spread throughout all of the women to try to make more women like her. After becoming knowledgeable and strong, a woman begins to compare between her life and the mentality of ISIS. They will find the difference and reflect how she can actually live when there are rights. That brings woman to take a decision, to be strong and support more women to get rid of these thoughts and mentalities of ISIS that still live on. That’s why we as Zenobia even work with the women in ISIS camps to change women’s mentalities, to help them to get to know themselves and to compare their lives before and now. What the mentality of ISIS gives to women and how democratic thoughts give them their rights, their gains. In the mentality of ISIS, women don’t have a personality and are nothing for real. This mentality, becomes real when it is implemented. To change this is a difficult task. […] You can’t wait for someone to set you free. You must set yourself free.

What role are women playing in building up Raqqa today?

Leila: These days more and more women here in Raqqa work in a lot of positions. Women are building up Raqqa again – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. One of our mayors, Leyla Mustefa, was the representative of the council of Raqqa. She was one of the nine mayors in the world – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. You know the destroyed buildings and all of this. In every institute there is an office for women now, especially for women, to protect them within work. Women here are the biggest part that helps to build Raqqa, so it becomes more beautiful every day. These days, Raqqa became such a beautiful city. It wasn’t like this before because, you know, it was 90% destroyed. That’s the role of woman. Women worked a lot here. More than men. They worked a lot. That’s what they do here.

You talked about the women in the villages. How do you see the relationship between women and nature?

Leila: There’s something common between women and nature. Women were working on the fields, we’re daughters of nature. Women are making everything for themselves. You know, there were always more women working on the fields than men. So that’s why nature is so mixed with the women’s mentality. […] Women’s roots are between fields and trees. Every woman has roots like a tree, and they are strong roots. But we hope they become stronger and stronger with time. Women who live in the villages are stronger. That’s why you find a lot of differences between women in villages and women in cities, because of their relationship with nature. It makes them stronger. You see their bodies, their hair, their skin. Everything is different. Even their minds are. So they have strong personalities because of the nature and clean air. They don’t eat something like food in cans. Her mind is cleaner because of the nature, because of the clean air. In the cities we all are living a fast life, everything is fast. They are on the fields with the calves and everything – they do everything that men do, not like in the city. Here, the authority of men is stronger, you know, because they think women can’t be powerful. They think women are not strong. If they want a lawyer, they don’t want a woman as a lawyer. They want a man. She can’t defend me because she’s a woman… But, you know, a lot of successful lawyers were women.

Earlier you spoke about self-defense. What does this involve? I mean, I guess I would say I can’t defend myself just by myself, I need a commune. I myself am also on a big search, because I realized I’ve had very little self-defense throughout my life. This is one reason why I wanted to come to this revolution here in Syria.

Leila: For self-defense, first of all, women must know their rights. You as a woman, you should know your rights and break the barriers inside your heart. Do not be afraid. Don’t be afraid to know. Women are afraid to ask for their rights and this fear kills their voice. We need to set them free from the barriers inside of themselves. These are not walls within the society or like walls in a room. It’s inside the woman. So we need to help women to break the barriers inside of her heart, to know how to get out of there. Then, she must refuse to be under violence, to say no. Women think that they can’t say no. The first thing is, you can say no. Maybe it’s not easy always, but it’s easy when you know that you have to be strong and you know what you want. So first of all, you can say no. You can say no. Then we said, do not be afraid. In our academies there are lessons about self-defense. It’s necessary to learn both physically and mentally, because some of the violence is not by hands, but by words or thoughts. Forcing your own thoughts on someone is violence. Forcing a woman to stay at home, to not leave the house – it’s violence. Then there is also sexual violence. So as I said, at first you have to decide to say no, to not accept this anymore.

Earlier, you said that it’s, not just important to support women here, but in the whole of Syria and the whole world. Why is it important for you to support a woman on the other side of the world?

Asma: Well, because they are also women. We are women for each other. If she is in Darfur, in Africa, in Pakistan. You know, also in Pakistan, women are being sold. They are selling girls underage, to be a slave, to make a woman from her childhood as a slave. In Iran women are also suffering from Islamic thoughts. We are not looking from only our point-of-view in Rojava or Syria. We are looking for all woman in the world. Everywhere women are suffering, even in Europe. As a women’s gathering, we can be the biggest gathering in the world by joining all of the women in all of the world. And we are seeking that. Here, there are women in the military, as warriors. And, you know, women can be warriors all around the world. Women should not just be slaves for the authorities.

I also have a question regarding the women’s communality: How do you manage to bring women from different religions, ethnicity and cultures together?

Leila and Noora: You asked how the relationships are, how we gather all the women – Assyrian, Syriac, Arabic. They are all gathering because of the mentality. We, as women, all have the same goal. We are as women. We are not looking at you as, “you are Kurdish” or Arabic or whatever. […] Its the spirit of friendship, as I said before. We are working as a team, not as individuals, because we have the same goals, the same mentality. That’s what brings us together. It’s easy to understand each other, because we share a mentality. Also between us and you, we have the same goals, the same thoughts about women. We all want to struggle for women, that’s why. We don’t deal with it like, you know… We deal with you as a woman first and a human second. You are a woman and human. We don’t look for your race or your religion, or anything else. The point where we’re all together is that we are all women and want to struggle for women. You are from Britain, from Germany, and we come together as women for women.

Can the unity between women help to overcome separations in the whole of society like this?

Asma: That’s true, that’s true. We did not have a lot of separations before ISIS came and brought its mentality. I always drink my coffee in the morning with my neighbor. I don’t think about the fact that she’s Kurdish and I am Arabic. She comes to my home, I visit her, and we go out together. Before ISIS, kids were playing together, it was a normal life. ISIS raised these thoughts on people’s minds: “This is not Muslim. This is Muslim. This is Kurdish. This is Arabic.” Before ISIS there were not those thoughts. And now, with the Autonomous-Administration – we exclude all of these thoughts. We destroy all of these mentalities. We are all here, we are all humans, we have the same rights, we are all equal. You have rights as a human, first of all. Then as a woman, you have the right to be strong, the right to learn, the right to work, the right to say no and to say your opinion. They think that we are washing [women’s] hands, their minds somehow. It’s the opposite. They are washing their minds and making women think that her place is only in the kitchen. You can’t do all of this. That’s it. That’s a challenge for all the woman’s not only in Syria, but all over the world.

We dig deep, through the layers of millennia. We discuss the origin of life, we attempt to penetrate to a core that has survived the ages. We plant seeds in the ground that we nurture in cycles spanning many years, in the hope that people will one day live in the shade of these trees.

A button is pressed and within seconds a bomb explodes. In Syria, the ground is currently being buried on a massive scale. In Aleppo, entire neighborhoods were turned into landscapes of ruins within days. We work deeply and slowly; the enemy destroys superficially and quickly.

A few months ago, we were on a delegation trip to the self-administered regions of North and East Syria. Three weeks during which a whole world of experiences and encounters opened up. Today I read about the large-scale offensive by Islamist militias that, under the umbrella of the Syrian transitional government and with international backing, are heading toward Tabqa and Raqqa. Tabqa and Raqqa are two places that we also visited.

We spoke with women in the camp in Tabqa who had already been displaced twice. From Afrin, when the Turkish occupying state attacked their homeland, and then from Shehba, where they had remained in the hope of one day returning to Afrin from there. At the end of last year, they were displaced again from Shehba by the “gangs.” They call these groups “gangs,” by which they mean the SNA, HTS, Al-Nusra, and IS. The defense forces established a flight corridor for them. During their flight, they were insulted by the Islamists, saw severed heads, and received death threats. In the camp in Tabqa, we are invited by different families into their tents. The youngest here is three months old and the oldest woman has lived to see her 101st birthday. It shows me how strong this community must be for this elderly woman to have been able to flee. Between the tents, we meet a woman and a conversation develops between us about love and motherhood. She says: “This revolution is a revolution of love.” She says we must learn what love is and how we can open our hearts to all people. Like a mother who “loves unconditionally.” She says that this century will either become the century of women’s revolution or new fundamentalist-patriarchal values will take hold.

As I write these lines, I read that the “gangs” are standing before Tabqa. When I think of these people we met in Tabqa, I feel a deep knot building in my chest and a pain in my heart.

The women we met told us about the revolution that they have to fight for anew every day just to be allowed to be political at all. To be allowed to live independently from men at all. An Arab woman who is organized in Jineolojî in Tabqa told us that she was always looked down upon by everyone. Her family evaluated her work at Jineolojî as a waste of time. She was called lazy and good-for-nothing. Then Abdullah Öcalan wrote a letter from prison to the Jineolojî Academy. Suddenly the perspective changed. Her family realized that she was doing important work, if even Öcalan was addressing a letter to them. Since then, her husband always says when he sees her watching the news: ‘Oh, Jineolojî is watching the news.’ He knows that she is educating herself politically, that she is organized. That she has built up a political consciousness. This gives her power. This has triggered a small revolution in her, her family, and her marriage. Everyone knows that she is politically aware. That she is doing important work.

We talk about whether the philosophy of the Kurdish freedom movement contradicts the Quran. She shakes her head: “Religion has been instrumentalized.” A patriarchal understanding of honor allows men to murder, whether under Assad or under Islamist rule; they remained unpunished for it. One of the battles that women are fighting is to recognize these murders as such. The revolution has given them the political and legal framework to defend themselves against honor killings. But the work within families, with fathers, husbands, and brothers is a permanent revolution that women have been continuing for years. I will never forget the love and strength that lay in these conversations. While we spoke, as they patiently answered our questions, a child was passed from arm to arm around the table.

The movement changes people’s living situations. The women meet regularly, discuss and talk about the political situation. They speak with other women, organize them, give them hope. Hope for a different life. Hope for a liberated life. What will happen to them when IS militias stand at their door?

When we were in Raqqa, the women were more heavily veiled than in other areas of the self-administration. Our companion knew that the fear of IS is very great here. Raqqa was chosen by IS as the capital of the so-called caliphate. The fear of IS’s return makes it difficult to organize people. Hardly any woman goes outside here without a veil because they fear that if the Islamists seize power again, they will be murdered for it. It takes years before a woman can regain enough trust to raise her voice again. The IS gangs’ plan to take Raqqa aims to extinguish once more the sparks of hope that have been produced through painstaking work.

I think of Z., who lives in Tabqa. When we stood at her front door, she greeted us with a tearful face. We had arrived late; she had thought something had happened to us. We slept two nights in her apartment. Every day she brought us ice cream in the evening. She is a very self-confident woman. She ran away, left her husband behind, and joined the Kurdish freedom movement. “I am free now, it was the best decision I could make.” In Tabqa, we are accompanied by another woman. I immediately felt a strong connection to her. She was still young, mid to late twenties. Her hair was so long that it touched the backs of her knees. When driving, she often turned the music up very loud, singing along and looking at us with laughter. She always drove the car. To liberate Raqqa from IS, she fought in alliance with American soldiers. “The men always looked down on me. They thought they could do more, just because they are men. Not like with our forces. YPJ is much better.”

Once I woke up early in the morning and wanted to set the table ahead of time while the others were still sleeping. She was faster than me and was already standing next to the fully set table. She smiled at me and said: “So you can sleep longer.” We sat down together and tried to have a conversation through Google Translate. The background on her phone was the picture of a man. “Your boyfriend?” I asked. She said: “Yes, my husband. I had to get married. But life with my comerades was much better.” “Why don’t you go back and separate from your husband?” I ask. “It’s complicated. Family… We’ll see. You better stay with your comerades!” she says with a soft gaze.

As we leave Raqqa and Tabqa, we go without being able to say goodbye to her. But S. tells us that she didn’t want to say goodbye because she is sure that we will see each other again. These are only small stories, but through them I carry Tabqa, Raqqa, the struggle and resistance of women in Syria in my heart. When I was there, every detail showed me what a great revolution the women there carry out anew every day by organizing themselves, building their own will, and defending themselves against attacks from all sides. The Kurdish freedom movement and the philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan have given them the strength that made all of this possible. A renewed invasion of Islamist forces into the region means for them displacement again, or imprisonment within the walls of the home, rape and murder.

My breath is shallow these days. The air doesn’t reach my belly. Constantly that short sound, my phone notifying me, again with new images, a new message about the attacks against the autonomous self-administration. So many years of struggle lie behind us—and so many ahead of us. We must be able to breathe. To breathe in all that has been achieved in struggles before us and that allows us to live.

I find a moment of clarity and calm when, between the messages on my phone, the image of a young woman appears. Şehîd Deniz Çiya was a commander of the resistance in Aleppo and a woman who fought to her last bullet for the defense of her people. Her last words were: “Those who cannot face death when necessary cannot become the breath of a free life.”

The river of this revolution is composed of millions of small drops, of encounters, conversations and moments, women who organize themselves in refugee camps, women who discuss freedom, women who save their last hand grenade to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy. Women who come together to build—and who choose hope in the face of destruction. Hundreds of revolutions every day, which in their totality will break even the hard stone of domination. In these days we are painfully reminded again: It will not be easy. But we will always continue to flow and never retreat.

“Our work is like a revolution within the revolution.” – Aveen al-Haji, co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress

The Council of Religions and Beliefs formed in 2014. It consists of gender diverse representatives of all faiths, including Muslims, Yezidis and Christians, and is now integrated into the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES).

The Democratic Islam Congress opened in 2019 and has centers in each area of NES. It works to establish a theological line in which coexistence among peoples is cultivated, and sectarian violence and the weaponization of religion by local and international actors is prevented. They do not work within a single denomination of Islam. With a number of committees, they work practically, intellectually and spiritually to develop their perspective and meet the needs of society. This can range from associated imams and clerics speaking at funerals and Friday prayers, to facilitating educations, to research.

Article 107 of the Social Contract states that Council of Religions and Beliefs aims to facilitate the ability of all individuals from every religion to practice their belief, to “develop religious institutions that are consistent with the mentality of the democratic nation,” and “oppose fanatical and extremist concepts of the nation-state and non-democracy.”

The Academy of Democratic Islam opened in 2019 until 2023 as the educational branch of the Congress, with many students graduating and later working in schools and universities. Two graduates became imams. The work of the Academy was paused in 2023 when the Religious Sciences Faculty was established in Rojava University. Between the ages of 14 to 18, students in Syria choose an educational pathway, such as vocational training, science, literature, arts, or Sharia (religious education). The Democratic Islam Congress coordinates with the NES Board of Education to deliver religious education at Sharia schools in Heseke, Sarin and Tabqa, with intent to open in Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor next year.

The Democratic Islam Congress has a research department, which participates in knowledge production and community education. Shereen Ahmed told us that they “condense difficult religious texts and make them accessible for a broader audience,” and Mohammed Hasan said they “conduct research on Islamic history, Muslim thinkers and intellectuals, fiqh [Islamic jurisprudence], and other topics.” They present their research to the DAANES, and also publish a magazine, Social Islam [Islami Civak e], in Arabic and Kurmanji.

Three magazines published by the Democratic Islam Congress

“Creating an uprising within the consciousness of religion about women’s position.” – Aveen al-Haji

The Women’s Council of the Democratic Islam Congress participates across all levels of work. Their approach focuses deeply on women’s rights, in particular ending violence against women, but also topics such as women’s right to inheritance. The Women’s Council participates in the Congress’ educational curriculum for children, such as Quran reading classes held in mosques over the summer. Aveen al-Haji said that they “investigate many topics, especially weak hadiths and interpretations, in particular those against women, which are significant and affect society”, and that they work with Jineoloji (women’s science) to analyze women’s role in the history of Islam and religion more broadly.

Co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress Aveen al-Haji, left, and Shereen Ahmed, member of the research committee 

RIC asked whether the Democratic Islam Congress supported women to become imams. Aveen said that this is not the case, as the Congress “operates in accordance with Islam. We will not form a new law or instruction that goes against the Sharia [Islamic law]” she continued, “It is not important whether a woman becomes an imam if the prevailing mentality is pro-ISIS. It is this mentality that we want to change.”

Delal Khelil, member of Kongra Star and the Council of Religions and Beliefs, emphasized that women have been distanced from their role in religion by various methods, including patriarchal interpretations of the Quran. The Council of Religions and Beliefs encourages women to participate in religious life and knowledge production, including by “doing their own research on religious interpretations and explanations.” She added that there are many examples of women preaching and playing critical roles in religion, including in Christianity, and that the Quran has many examples including verses about the mothers of the prophet Moses, Mary the mother of Jesus, and other important figures such as Bilqis. The Quran verses Surat al-Hujrat: 13 and Surat al-Israa: 70 were quoted as examples showing women’s equitable position.

An example of the opposition to the Democratic Islam Congress’ approach is the criticism they receive regarding their name. Mazin Haroni, vice co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress, said that many people disagree with the use of “democratic” and “Islam” together, both for mixing the divine with the material, and for the former being perceived as a Western system, while Islam originates from the Middle East. Mazin continued, “some consider civil systems as kufor [apostate] […] the parliamentary system is no exception; it’s another example of the worship of idols.”

Mazin Haroni, vice co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress

They have studied and are influenced by a number of people, including Jawdet Said, George Tarabichi, Mohammad Habash, and Mohammed al-Ghazali al-Masri, among many others, but do not follow a specific theological line of any individual.

After a dialogue forum titled ‘Belief and Homeland’, RIC asked Delal Khelil on the position of the Council of Religions and Beliefs regarding intervention in the region from external actors, including Western states. She said that over time, these forces have caused “disintegration of coexistent societies through ‘divide and rule’ policies. They have funded extremist religious groups as a tool to confront political or ideological opponents, and created economic and security chaos in several countries, including Syria and Iraq, under the pretext of ‘spreading democracy’ or ‘fighting terrorism.’” She added, “But it is important to clarify that these actions are not motivated by religion, but by the political interests of powers that use, target, or distort religion.”

The prevailing position from the Democratic Islam Congress and the Council of Religions and Beliefs is that “religions and beliefs exist to establish the values of justice, compassion, and cooperation among human beings, not to ignite conflicts or fuel hegemony.”

Delal Khelil, second from right, at the dialogue forum ‘Belief and Homeland: Cooperation for Justice and Peace in the New Syria’ 

However, individuals taking non-conformist positions publicly are in danger. The story of the Khaznawi sheikh family is an example of this. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi’s approach combines political struggle with theology in his home country and abroad.

His father, Sheikh Mashouq Khaznawi, was known for his involvement in religious and political struggle in Syria – including for the rights of Kurdish people – and as an advocate for a secular state. His forced disappearance, torture and assassination in 2005 was a significant moment in the course of the Kurdish-Ba’ath Party relations, influencing the rise of autonomy in NES in the following years. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi lived in exile for 18 years after his father’s death, until 2024, when he made a series of visits and speeches in North and East Syria over several months, including at the Yezidi New Year [Çarşema Sor] celebration on April 16 2025 in Amude. A frequent participant at events held by communities of other faiths, he told RIC “interfaith dialogue is not an intellectual luxury; it is a political and social necessity.”

The Khaznawi family follow a branch of Sufism, with Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi operating independently from the Democratic Islam Congress and the Council for Religions and Beliefs. He disseminates his ideas through speeches at Kurdish national events, interfaith events, educational conferences, religious holidays of Islam and other faiths, Friday sermons, and popular gatherings with a “non-elitist approach […] for every individual seeking a dignified life.”

Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi before his speech at Yezidi New Year in Amude

Liberation theology is a tradition originating in Latin America that connects the social, political, and spiritual towards achieving collective liberation. While arising from a branch of Catholic theology, some proponents of other religions share a similar view that salvation of the oppressed is actively sought and won through radical or revolutionary change. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi calls for peace, but, in an echo of his fathers words, “not peace as a form of surrender. We believe that the future is not for those who wait for it to be gifted from others, but for those who forge their own existence and seize their own rights.”

RIC asked, “How do you see theology and liberation as being connected?”

He replied: “This is the true essence of Islam. It is clear that religion and resistance to injustice are inextricably linked. The fundamental message of Islam is one of liberation, and its followers are committed to freeing human beings from bondage and slavery. Most liberation movements throughout history have drawn their strength from religion. They have used religion as a source of inspiration, not as a tool of oppression. Religion has motivated people to refuse humiliation and surrender. Islam has never been a religion of tyrants. It is a weapon in the hands of the oppressed. The Prophet (peace be upon him) said: ‘If you see something wrong, change it.’ Islam is a call for justice and resistance against colonialism in all its forms. We must learn this. Religion is the energy of liberation, not of tyranny.”

Jinwar was officially opened on 25th November 2018, but the process of its establishment was a longer journey. The idea of building a women’s village was inspired by proposals of Abdullah Öcalan and discussed for a long time by the Kurdish Women’s Movement. With the 2012 Rojava Revolution, including the establishment of the self-administration and the withdrawal of the Baath regime from most areas these ideas became more realizable. Concrete plans started in 2016 by an initiative of different women organizations – Kongra Star, the Free Women’s Foundation, the Jineolojî Academy and the Martyr Families Council. The land, which had once been confiscated by the state, was initially cultivated after the revolution by an agricultural cooperative of Aboriya Jin (women’s economy committee) and then donated to the project.

In 2017 the construction of the village started. The houses of the village were built in a traditional way by forming bricks out of earth, water and straw. Some of the buildings were decorated with murals showing the spirit and the message of the women’s village. For example the image of Şahmaran as the bearer of an ancient knowledge symbolizes women’s struggle, strength of transformation and wisdom. The building process of this village connects to a long history of women’s struggle in Kurdistan, to the efforts and sacrifices of many women.

“Women are strongly connected with society – they are the ones organizing the basis of life, inventing methods and tools to solve problems in society and creating bonds of solidarity and mutual support. We are getting connected to this role again, organizing our life together, supporting each other and sharing our knowledge with each other.” says Sirîn, a woman currently living in the village. She came as a language teacher to the village. Previously she lived in Qamishlo where she was a school teacher, first under the rule of the Baath regime and then as part of establishing the new education system in the Kurdish mother-language in the system self-administration. Now she is teaching reading and writing, as well as other subjects, to the mothers and children in Jinwar in their own mother-tongues, both Arabic and Kurdish.

The life in Jinwar is based on communal values and principles such as ecology, democratic self-organization, women’s economy, women’s health, education and the building up of a common future. The women share their knowledge about gardening and ecological ways of growing fruits and vegetables. At the same time, their aim is to build a self-sustainable life that offers independence on an economic level. The women of Jinwar are building up a communal economy by working hand in hand with other cooperatives in the region. Furthermore, they run a bakery, a small village store and dry vegetables for the winter which are also sold. All decisions concerning the daily life, activities, new ideas and the village economy are discussed and made in the village council assemblies. The children and the youth have their own assemblies and spokespersons in order to participate in democratic decision making processes.

Connected to the village, is also the health center ŞifaJin (Healing of Women). The natural healing and health center opened in 2020 and has rooms for treatments, consultations, educational work, and the production of natural remedies. The project also includes a garden where medicinal herbs are cultivated. ŞifaJin’s ambulance ensures mobility in urgent cases and the cooperation with women from surrounding villages to collect and share traditional natural healing knowledge in connection with modern knowledge and treatment methods.

“The life in Jinwar is an example for women living and organizing together and finding their strength together. It is a place that shines around the world. Being here and talking to the women here, I really feel freer and hopeful. It is clear, we need more places all around the world like this village. It is our task as internationalists to build up these places everywhere and establish a network of connection between them”, concludes Julia after her visit at Jinwar.

More information and impressions about Jinwar, you can find here or here.

On March 23, 2025, in Qamishlo, under the slogan “With the vanguard of women, Kurdish national unity becomes a certainty,” the first National Conference for the Unity of Kurdish Women in Rojava was held. The event brought together 300 delegates, including artists, intellectuals, writers, political party members, journalists, and representatives of women’s organizations and movements, as well as institutions affiliated with the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. Women from Aleppo and Damascus also took part. This conference marks a crucial step toward building a democratic, peaceful Syria and greater unity among Kurdish communities and individuals. In a time of rapid and profound change, gatherings like this have tangible and immediate impacts.

“As Kurdish women, we have lived on this land for thousands of years. We know that if people are led with a sexist, fundamentalist, nationalist, and rationalist mindset, they will not find just solutions to problems, nor will they put an end to contradictions and wars.” — from conference documents

Although the Assad regime has fallen, the government that has taken power in Damascus remains highly centralized and continues to target minorities, committing atrocities such as the recent massacres against the Alawites. The newly approved constitution fails to recognize the rights of the country’s diverse ethnic groups—their languages, cultures, and traditions—as well as the rights of women. In a multicultural, multiethnic, and multifaith Syria, such a government cannot endure. In this context, the experience of North and East Syria stands as a model for a system that could be implemented throughout the country. The social contract, autonomous administration, and the system of communes and councils, along with the self-organization of women and their leading role in both society and self-defense, represent practices that could be expanded across Syria. Defending the democratic nation project in North and East Syria has come at a high cost—thousands of martyrs and immense sacrifices. Yet today, spreading the Rojava democratic system throughout Syria is essential to bringing peace, democracy, and justice to a land devastated by war and violence. This must be a priority.

“Outside of organizing collective work, we have no other means—as a people and as a society—to defend our rights and the achievements of this revolution, which has come at the cost of thousands of martyrs. We have no alternative but to build alliances and foster unity.” — from conference documents

The gains achieved today by Kurdish women are the result of a long history of struggle and resistance. They are the legacy of Leyla Qasim, Sakine Cansız, Arîn Mîrxan, and all those who have given everything for this cause. Thanks to this history, the Kurdish people have affirmed their existence and identity, and today, no plan for the Middle East can ignore them. To ensure that the sacrifices made so far are not in vain, it is essential to maintain a strong and united stance, “resisting the divide and conquer tactics of external forces”. Through this conference, as well as by other means, women in Rojava are proving to be a driving force and a vanguard for democracy and peace.

This unity must be built on clear principles, eleven of which were outlined during the conference; here is a brief summary. The importance of Kurdish culture and language in shaping the identity of Kurdish women was reaffirmed—historically, it has been mothers who have played a central role in their preservation. Culture and language must be protected as fundamental aspects of Kurdish women’s identity. At the same time, the need to safeguard the diverse national identities, religious beliefs, and cultures present in Kurdistan was emphasized. The democratic nation was reaffirmed as the best framework for ensuring this protection. It was declared that it is the responsibility of all women to uphold the values of freedom and equality, advance democratic policies, and build a society based on free and equal will. For this reason, women’s participation in all areas must not be less than 50%. Education was highlighted as essential for creating a just and equal society, and Jineolojî was recognized as the science of women, standing in opposition to the patriarchal and capitalist system and the sciences that reinforce it. The principles of “free collective life” (hevjiyana azad) provide a framework for resolving issues between men and women, within families, and across society as a whole. These principles also serve as a means to end all forms of violence against
women. At the same time, strengthening national unity is seen as a key tool for countering the violent policies of states against the Kurdish people, which have led to forced migrations and massacres. The suffering of Kurdish women reflects the struggles faced by women worldwide, underscoring the need for a relentless fight in defense of women’s rights. Demographic changes imposed on Kurdish society constitute an act of violence against the entire population—first and foremost against women. The occupations of Afrin, Shehba, Serekaniye, and Girê Spî serve as painful examples that will never be forgotten. This is also why national unity remains a necessity. Since every living being has the right and duty to self-defense, the YPJ, which defended humanity against the terrorism of ISIS, must be recognized as a force for legitimate self-defense for all women and as a direct outcome of the Rojava revolution. Those who gave their lives in defense of Rojava must be honored as martyrs of the Syrian revolution. It is our duty to realize the vision they fought for, and to achieve this, we must build a democratic Syria. To establish an alternative economic system to capitalist monopoly, it is essential to develop and promote women’s economic initiatives, which will serve as the foundation for a communal economy—a core characteristic of democratic society. Women’s diplomacy plays a vital role in achieving Kurdish national unity. A shared vision and a coordinated diplomatic approach are necessary—both to prevent external forces from fragmenting the Kurdish people and to build alliances with women around the world. For a people divided across four states, fragmentation leads to weakness, making every step toward national unity strategically significant. At the same time, the struggle of Kurdish women is becoming a source of hope and strength for women’s movements globally—proving once again that in this process, unity brings strength. Based on these principles, a final resolution was approved, reflecting the positions of all the participating forces. The key points are as follows:

1. The conference calls on all Kurdish forces, organizations, parties, and political figures to urgently convene the Kurdistan National Congress—a long-standing aspiration of all Kurdish communities and women—at this critical moment as we approach freedom.
2. The conference urges women’s organizations from all four parts of Kurdistan to convene the 3rd National Congress of Kurdish Women and invites them to hold this congress in Rojava.
3. Recognizing the historical importance of Kurdish unity in Syria, the conference calls on all relevant Kurdish political forces to convene a National Congress of Kurdish forces in Syria, ensuring that Kurdish women play a leading and active role in shaping the country’s future.
4. The conference rejects the interim constitution of Damascus and calls on the interim government to align with UN Security Council International Resolution 2254, which reflects the broader demands of society and women.
5. Building a democratic, decentralized, and pluralistic Syria is both the primary goal of all Syrian communities and the key to guaranteeing women’s rights. The conference affirms that the Democratic Autonomous Administration project is the most effective model for resolving Syria’s conflicts and challenges.
6. The conference emphasizes that women must hold at least 50% representation in all the discussions for building a democratic Syria.
7. The women’s rights provisions outlined in the Social Contract of North and East Syria should serve as a foundation for the new Syrian constitution.
8. The conference calls for collaboration among all women across Syria’s diverse communities and the formation of democratic alliances to protect women’s rights and enshrine them in the new Syrian constitution.
9. The right to legitimate self-defense is both a duty and a fundamental right for all women.
10. Kurdish women, through their organizations, must take a leading role in the fight against all forms of violence and feminicide in Syria. They must also provide support, share experiences, and offer assistance to women across Syria, drawing on the experiences of women in North and East Syria.
11. The conference underscores the importance of education and capacity-building for women in all fields, including politics, economics, and administration.
12. The conference calls for comprehensive efforts to ensure that all refugees from Afrin, Girê Spî, Serêkaniyê, Shehba, and other occupied regions can safely and voluntarily return to their homes. Furthermore, all victims of occupation and human rights violations must receive fair compensation.

The First National Conference of Kurdish Women in Rojava marked a historic step toward unity, democracy, and women’s liberation in the struggle for a free and democratic Syria. By fostering unity among the Kurdish people, recognizing women’s rights and strength, and combining these with the principles of the democratic nation, the conference laid the groundwork for broader alliances and resistance in the pursuit of peace and democracy.

In the run up to International Women’s Day 2025, a new interview with the residents of Jinwar women’s village in Rojava, northeast Syria, was published by Mezopotamya News Agency.

Jinwar was established in 2017, and is inspired by the political paradigm of imprisoned Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan, who said “living spaces, not shelters, should be established for women”. It is situated close to Dirbêsiyê city in Rojava’s Cizîrê Canton in northeast Syria.

The village was established after discussions amongst the different women’s organisations in Rojava in 2016. Construction started in 2017, and doors opened on 25 November 2018, which is the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. Jinwar is designed as a place where women survivors of male violence can create a free life together. It has also been a haven for women whose husbands have passed away.

Since then, admissions to the village have been managed by the Kongra Star women’s federation. When a woman wants to join, the village administration discusses whether the person is suitable, and, if she is accepted, members of the administration take on welcoming her to Jinwar. The residents are asked every six months whether they still want to remain in the village, and if they want to move on they are given help and support.

So far women from Dirbesiyê, Kobani (Kobanê), Deir ez-Zor (Dêrazor), Şedadê, Shehba (Şehba) and Ras-Al-Ayn (Serêkaniyê) in Rojava and Sulaymaniyah (Silêmanî), Sinjar (Şengal) and Makhmour (Mexmur) in Iraqi Kurdistan have all come to live in Jinwar.

A statement from Jinwar explains the reasons for the establishment of the village:

“The idea of a women’s village in Rojava was born years ago, building on a long and likewise hidden history of women-centred societies, spaces and utopias, also encouraged by Abdullah Öcalan who expressed the wish that women would create their own city.”

A self-governing experiment in women’s self-governance

The village includes a school, a communal dining hall, a bakery, a shop and Şîfa Jin, a women’s clinic, which uses traditional and herbal medicine. The herbs used in the clinic are grown in the village’s gardens. The village symbol is the hermel herb, which represents abundance. Hermel is used widely in treating many illnesses.

“The Hermel has a long tradition in the region of Rojava Kurdistan. For hundreds of years women created this artifact and placed it above the doors or on the walls of their houses. The pearls are the dried fruits of a plant growing on the small hills that can be found in the flat landscape of Rojava, marking the hidden heritage of ancient villages and forms of civilization. The plant itself is called “Harmal“ (Peganum Harmala) and several myths designate it as a plant of women.”

Jinwar also has an academy teaching history, women’s anatomy, and gynaecology. Steppe Kindergarten and Üveyş Ana primary school teach the children, educating in both English and Arabic.

Work at Jinwar is rotated. Women take shifts in the bakery one day, and may be working in the gardens the next.

Both traditional medicine and traditional housing

The women live in traditional houses, built in the way that people would have done hundreds of years ago. “We decided to build our houses the way people have built their houses in this region since long time ago. For this traditional and sustainable way of building it is important that the weather is warm and dry. For the adobe bricks – kerpîç – we are using a mixture of earth, water and straw,” wrote the residents of Jinwar.

Collective self-administration

Jinwar is run by a women’s council, which meets twice a month – and which all residents of the village are members of. The Council meetings discuss life in the village, as well as wider political developments in the region. The villagers provide their own security needs and education. Fifteen women and 20 children now live at Jinwar, and the villagers sustain themselves through agriculture and animal husbandry, with electricity provided by solar energy. Men are only invited into the village for specific collective work projects. Women living in the village can be visited by their families, but men are not allowed to stay in the village.

Becoming oneself

Mezopotamya Agency (MA) spoke to Yesmin Ehmed, a resident of Jinwar who came to the village after the Turkish invasion of Afrin (Efrin). She explained:

“When we first arrived from Aleppo to the village after the invasion of Afrin, my plan was to go to with my family in Europe. Then a friend of mine told me about Jinwar. There was a curiosity and I wanted to get to know the village. I embraced the life here a lot, and I decided to live here. I told my family in Europe about it, and I reported that I would be staying at Jinwar. Here, I wanted to get to know about life, new friendships, myself and the identity of women. I’ve come to the awareness that you’re not under my attack. This consciousness has affected my daughter. Her life has changed too.”

Ehmed explained to MA how she had got used to life at Jinwar, and become involved in the self-administration and collective working life in the village:

“My daughter and I have been living in Jinwar for five years. I came to the village as a woman who has nothing to do. [I am] in the administration today, and we decide all together about the life here… I got used to things here, with the support of friends, despite the heavy work here, without any difficulty. Gradually, I started learning all the work. I’ve come to know that I’m doing something economically. I used to want to do things, but I was like, ‘You’re a woman, you can’t do your work outside, you should take care of children at home, that’s your job.’ I’ve been through this here, and I’ve had enlightenment. As the woman makes sense of life, her leadership is strengthened.”

‘We will not accept the domination of either ISIS or Turkey’

Ehmed is clear that Jinwar has survived ISIS’s attacks, and it will remain resilient in the face of Turkish attacks and the Turkish backed Syrian National Army (SNA). She told MA how the women of Jinwar had responded to the attacks:

“Jinwar, where women of different identities and beliefs live together, serves as a bridge for the democratic nation paradigm. Since the beginning of the attacks, many of our friends have rushed to help in different areas in accordance with the call for mobilisation. We are still continuing our work. We can say that economic difficulties have forced us, but we continue our work. We continue our education and crop cultivation. We are trying to provide not only basic needs but also psychological support. We will not accept the domination of either ISIS or Turkey. Even if the attacks come to the village, we will not leave, we will protect our village and the Autonomous Administration. We will defend it by standing upright against the attacks.”

To learn more about Jinwar visit their website here, or watch the Jineoloji video about the village here.

Early in the morning we drove to Raqqa to stay there for a few days. Until seven years ago, the city was still the center of Daesh (ISIS), which is why the visit was marked by different emotions for all of us. The destruction and the consequences of the violence are still visible in the city and the friends’ memories are full of pain about the atrocities they experienced. During our stay in this liberated city, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, an offshoot of Al-Nusra, advanced towards Aleppo.

A few days later, we visited Rojava University to attend an extraordinary meeting with friends from the Jineoloji faculty. The sun was shining on the campus and the students greeted us as we walked past. As we entered the dark lecture hall, we saw the first teary faces.

The Şehba region, which is currently under attack by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Syrian National Army (SNA) built up by Turkey, is home to tens of thousands of internally displaced people who had to flee from Turkish-occupied Afrin. Many young people came to Qamislo to study at Rojava University and left their families in Şehba. The fear they are facing now is a familiar one. They know what fundamentalists and the Turkish state are doing to them and their families and all Kurds because they have already experienced it.

“The conflicts here are also the result of globalized imperialism and colonialism and therefore we can only organize against them internationally. As feminists, we want to express our solidarity with the people in Rojava and Syria, with the self-defense forces, the courageous women who have been defending themselves for centuries and have been fighting for a better tomorrow for all of us. We will continue this struggle everywhere and forever.” With these words, we tried to express our solidarity to the students. But the fear for their families cannot be taken away from them. After the event, we joined the students at a demonstration denouncing the current attacks. Many people came together to transform the fear for their families and the grief over another painful attack into anger and hope.

Everyday life goes on here. The children play soccer in the streets and the women gather in the villages to educate themselves about patriarchal violence. They are familiar with the war, as the region has been in a permanent state of war for decades. In the small moments we feel the tension about the situation. Increased security checks, tired faces and silence where before there was laughter. Because what is happening at the moment can change everything. The Autonomous Administration appeals to the international community: “Stop this aggression! Otherwise, a new form of Islamist terrorism will establish itself, which will lead to major humanitarian disasters, pose a threat to Syria and have serious regional and global consequences.”

We have seen on our delegation an indescribable strength in the people and structures in Rojava who now have to defend themselves together against Islamist forces, fascism and war.

This strong will and the impressive perseverance of the people we met here has helped to liberate Raqqa from Daesh, the city to which the first evacuees from Şehba are now being brought.

This shows us once again that the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria must be defended as a revolutionary project. For a liberated, free and democratic society!

Jin Jiyan Azadî!

This rebirth of native languages, carried out alongside a turn towards indigenous and feminist liberation philosophy in academia, played a crucial role for the self-sustenance of a revolution that started over a decade ago. While students at Rojava’s newly reconstituted and founded universities can freely study more subjects than before, they struggle to gain accreditation for their studies by the international community.

“Rojava University, the University of Kobanê, and Shark University are all results of our revolution,” says Zozan Sîma, a member of Jineolojî Academy¹ in North and East Syria (NES), and continues, “We call our revolution the woman’s revolution. That is why students of our universities should learn about the women’s revolution, its gains, its struggle against sexism, and its aim to create free coexistence through the equality of men and women in the democratized space of politics, and learn about all these norms.”

It is an ongoing revolution in an ongoing war with multiple warring parties and multiple interfering regional and international actors. The situation critically raises the question of how a society can invent a new educational system—even higher education institutes—during the ongoing revolution while navigating warfare and the permanent threats of occupation by Turkey, the Syrian regime, and their proxies? This is not a hypothetical question but a very real one that people in Rojava have been asking themselves for about a decade. The answer is not easy.

Aras Hiso, one of the teachers organizing the first Kurdish classes in the schools in Kobanê after July 2012, remembers how they were “teachers and students at the same time” with almost no practical experience. Qualified teachers working at the schools established by the Ba’ath regime belittled them, saying, “You can’t organize any educational task, you are not qualified, you are not teachers; you have neither people to direct schools nor people who can establish educational systems.”

Skeptics were eventually proven completely wrong, with the system now sustaining more than 4,700 schools, 900,000 pupils, and 60,000 staff.² There are also three universities, several higher education institutions, and academies now operating. However, the real challenge is not simply to build schools and universities, but to develop an entirely new educational system with a philosophy based on new sociological principles. Discourses based on concepts found in the Sociology of Freedom as well as jineology – the science for understanding life from a woman’s perspective – are crucial aspects of this new educational system.

A former colony inside a former colony

For institutional reasons, we have to view the whole Cizîr region of Syria as well as Kobanê and Efrîn—the three cantons that together constitute Rojava—as internal colonies of the Syrian state until the beginning of the Rojava Revolution. Hîva Mihemed Elî, the deputy of co-presidents of the Educational Committee of Kobanê Canton, describes the exclusion of Kurds from the whole public and formal spaces before the revolution: “There were no prospective for Kurds to have any real space in the institutional structures of the Ba’ath regime in Rojava.”

The Kurdish language was banned, the culture was not recognized, and most importantly, the Kurds were mostly seen as non-indigenous population elements. Several thousand Kurds were denied Syrian citizenship, inflicting far-reaching consequences for those affected, forcing primarily men from those areas to emigrate to other regions within Syria or neighboring Arabic countries to find work. The state determined their political, social, and economic lives so that they could provide resources most desired by Damascus: oil, wheat, olive oil, etc.

The fact that the Syrian state gained its independence after several decades of the French mandate regime, first in 1946, means Syria was, until then, a de-facto French colony. On the other hand, this means Syria as a whole has both its colonial past and its subsequent post-colonial history of integration into different blocks and alliances. During the Ba’ath reign, it was mainly the Soviet block. After 2000, Bashar Al-Assad started several economically liberal reforms to integrate the country into the Western world order. We may consider Rojava from this background as a former colony inside a former colony. These intersecting colonial relationships are crucial to understanding the region’s recent history.

Discourses on Decolonizing the Universities of Former Colonies

Let us look at the example of the African experiences of developing educational systems and universities under postcolonial conditions. With the exception of South Africa and its different paths of liberation and post-liberation processes, the idea of colonizing structure is actually a relatively new introduction to the discourses on decolonizing education, especially higher education in African “decolonization” discourses. In the late 1980s, Congolese philosopher and writer Valentin Yves Mudimbe introduced the the concept of a “colonizing structure” (1988: 2). He found this structure reproduced in and continuing to manipulate and “integrate” postcolonial African societies and states. In the case of the elites of the “postcolonial” era in many African countries, they were very successful within the colonizing structure. As a result, the elite willingly and actively attempted to establish the same educational models—also in higher education—needed for the extraction of resources and knowledge. The influence and power of these educational systems, their methods of producing knowledge, were terrifyingly effective: they are still the mainstream in all African countries with a colonial past.³

Prompted by Mudimbe’s criticism, several efforts are now underway to reorganize and decolonize African educational systems and universities, and this also includes the field of African Studies as such in the former colonial centers. These efforts primarily aim at decolonizing education and building an alternative educational system, that is, developing higher education with a fundamentally new philosophy.

We can thus understand why for Ferat Gernas, a member of the Coordinating Committee of Universities in North and East Syria, it is vitally important to recognize the role of universities in “capitalist modernity”⁴ as to be able to imagine and invent new universities: “We witness daily how, in capitalist modernity, actual physical and moral genocides are going on.”

Gernas points out how the system’s crises boil down to the crisis between capitalism (with human actors) and nature. He summarizes this thesis by saying, “The global hegemonic system and its pushing ideology, liberalism, are normalizing this annihilation of humans and nature.”

Annihilation is indeed perceived as a deed that should not be happening. As a consequence, Gernas develops his arguments as follows: “We see the need for an intellectual intervention, and we ask ourselves: why are intellectuals, universities, and as a whole the academia so helpless and desperate? Yes, I generalize, but I have to ask, are they willing to participate in that genocidal way of organizing society, which is absolutely dark and inhuman?”

The question seems to be a starting point for a systemic critique and is indeed followed by one: “We felt, and still feel, there is a need for a revolutionary intervention to initiate an intellectual and academic revolution, too, indeed a mental revolution, which can challenge the mentality of 5000 years of state-formed and forced mentality. If not, we will continue seeing all of this darkness around us as normal. No doubt it is all but normal,” Gernas concludes.

The Myth of Independent Academia

In the colonial context, the fact that research and academic work are not independent and, to the contrary, serve as tools of the colonizers, is today partially known. But identifying research “as a significant site of struggle between the interests and ways of knowing of the West and the interests and ways of resisting of the Other” opened the way for liberating research and academia from the colonizing structure. (Smith 1999: 2)

The leader and theorist of the Kurdish liberation movement Abdullah Ocalan conceptualized this critique, through the term scientism, which he has called the new religion of hegemonic power structures.⁵ His critiques of science focus on the purpose of science, and he convincingly compares the social role of the knowledges produced by various religions and knowledges produced by modern scientific structures.

According to Ocalan, both knowledge production systems produce and spread knowledge for power structures to enforce their dominance over the masses. Their difference is simply a matter of method: different technologies are applied to enact violence and power over people, while distinct knowledges are produced to justify these applications. (Ocalan 2020) We may also refer to Ocalan’s earlier reflection on state and power, where he argues that the reproduction of slave-holding social organizations, required—at least partially—convincing the slaves to be satisfied of their social role within their respective society. (Ocalan 2007) Accordingly, ideological or technological knowledges produced by religions or science are not as different as they seems if they are used to build power structures, serving merely their perpetuation instead of solving societal problems. The critiques of science and more generally Western knowledge-producing systems in the Kurdish Liberation Movement  are largely based on these reflections by Ocalan.

With the July 2012 Rojava Revolution, society in Rojava and the neighboring Arab majority lands started to develop a school system. It was primarily interested in schooling children in a more democratic way. The Kurdish Liberation Movement’s proposal to home-school Kurdish pupils has been practiced since 2008, despite the Ba’ath regime.

The Administration is well aware of criticism against the school system and curricula and the dissatisfaction of parts of the population with the lack of recognition, personnel (even though regime schools have the same lack of qualified personnel), laboratories, and educational equipment (for more, see Al Ahmad 2023). But it doesn’t give up the idea of a constitutive democratic educational system, enabling each entity to organize education and curricula autonomously, something indeed entirely new in that region and anchored in the “Social Contract” of the DAANES.

It may seem a small step, but such a small deed as offering public spaces for native languages has huge consequences for challenging power structures and ideologies too. This may partially explain why Kurds were politically and socially much more prepared for the “Spring of the Peoples” than many of Syria’s other communities.⁶ In Syria, the Revolution became militarized and turned into a bloody civil war, with several international and regional actors interfering. Eventually, the war between the regime, myriad Syrian opposition groups, and other Islamic factions evolved into a proxy war. The experience of organizing Kurdish schools and regular neighborhood meetings that were to be turned into neighborhood councils gave the areas with a Kurdish majority the opportunity to organize society autonomously. This also meant putting locals in charge of their own self-defense.

Critics of the new educational initiatives, including the Turkish-backed Kurdish National Council, which is frequently in dispute with the Autonomous Administration, have raised the issue of non-recognition.

According to Hîva Mihemed Elî, the deputy head of the Educational Committee in Kobanê, “this vocal critique on the DAANES’s schools by the opposition patronized by Turkey is an exaggeration of the non-recognition of degrees. The degrees of our schools are not nationally and, consequently, internationally recognized. Yet, people trust in the ability of our school system. However, the fact that the degrees are not recognized remains the main problem. That is why a social class looks down on the autonomous Administration’s institutions and its teachers.”

“A close look would make it visible that the undermost social class sends its children to the schools and institutions of autonomous Administration. That is why those with more financial resources, who are rich, are sending their children to cities like Damascus and Aleppo for their studies or enrolling them in the regime schools in Qamişlo and Hesekê,” she continued. This social segregation is critical in that it may aggravate the social cliff between classes, something the revolution acts against.

Aras Hiso, a member of the Educational Committee in Kobanê and staff at the University of Kobanê, confirms that the education system’s critiques are partly justified. However, he differentiates between two arguments for those officials enrolling their children in the regime’s institutions: “There are officials of the Autonomous Administration who send their children to regime schools and universities. One of the arguments is generally accepted and causes no dissatisfaction. It states that the subjects their children study are not offered in the higher educational institutions of DAANES; people show understanding for them. However, there is strong dissatisfaction and legitimate criticism for those who send their children to the regime’s school because of a lack of national recognition. But I have to add, with our graduates showing their qualification in the practical field, this tendency weakens among all social classes.”

Hîva Mihemed Elî was schooled before the Rojava Revolution. Given her background, she is able able to compare the educational systems of the Ba’ath regime and the Autonomous Administration: “The main difference between the educational approach of Ba’ath regime’s schools and those of DAANES is that, at the regime schools, information should be memorized without sharing information about how, why, and where to use this information. In the schools of the Autonomous Administration, there is a clear effort to mediate the meaning and use of any given information. Another important difference is the assessment process for pupils. In the regime’s educational institutions, assessment takes place through exams, and failing exams means being eliminated from the respective educational institution. On the other hand, in the institutions of DAANES, a pupils’ participation in the classroom, their general understanding and ability to discuss, their attitude versus others in the classroom, and the way of and reasons for knowing are as important as assessment through exams.”

She has experienced that there are pupils who “indeed love to understand subject matters as they are taught at our schools” because, for them, it is “an entirely new experience” to be given the opportunity to understand a subject. However, the lack of formal recognition and criticism of some parts of society may force them to leave the school: “When they are told several times that their degrees are not recognized, they sometimes decide to study elsewhere.”

The Language Revolution

Aras Hiso, a member of the Educational Committee in Kobanê and staff of the University of Kobanê, remembers how the first Kurdish classes after the revolution in Kobanê were held in the Martyr Osman School in the neighborhood of Gumruk. “At that time, the regime’s curricula continued to be applied at the schools. There were no teaching staff able to take on the task,” he said.

The cooperation between the Institution for Kurdish Language (SZK) and the Confederation of Kurdish Students organized Kurdish language classes for two hours a week in all schools.

Hiso remembers, “Sometimes teachers at those schools, some of them also Kurds, tried to hinder those language classes, but we eventually succeeded in entering all of the schools in Kobanê.” He also emphasizes that he was one of the first teachers in Kobanê. In a group of 14 teachers, he was one of the youngest. The same group also prepared Kurdish language teachers with support from teachers from the Refugee camp in Mexmûr (Makhmour) in Iraqi Kurdistan.

He recalls the first meeting to develop curricula for the schools as follows: “In 2015, in Efrin, a campaign to change the whole curricula was started. The same year, they succeeded in preparing their own curricula for the 1st to 3rd classes of elementary school. After the liberation of Kobanê in May 2015, there was a first meeting of the Committee for Social Education (KPC) in cooperation with the SZK, and we decided to develop a more democratic curriculum in Kurdish for the first six classes. That is why we established higher education institutes to educate teaching staff for our schools. It was decided that a curriculum for all schools, including high schools, should be ready the following year. The new curricula were ready after printing all books for all classes and subject matters. Classes such as Jineolojî were introduced at the high school level after 2018.”

Meanwhile, the Manbij City Council, in a rare move, decided to continue with the regime’s curriculum while adding courses from the Autonomous Administration’s curriculum. There is still an ongoing negotiation between different views within the City Council to accept the curriculum developed by the Autonomous Administration. However, Aras Hiso feels that the “language revolution” has succeeded: “Anyway, now, having master’s programs at our universities and preparing for doctoral programs makes me feel successful in the language revolution.”

It is not Our Fate

The future of Rojava’s revolutionary project will largely depend on how its higher education is structured. Rojava’s education system is being built under two postcolonial conditions: one being the beginning of the Syrian state after its independence in 1946, the other starting with the Rojava Revolution on 19th July 2012.

This is why Ferat Gernas, a member of the coordinating body of universities in NES, explains that “we, the actors of democratic modernity, those who place themselves within the philosophy of the Democratic Nation, are convinced that there is a need for an intellectual intervention into this existing hegemonic regime of truth.” Consequently, he states that “one of the main reason for us to establish universities is exactly this. If not, we fear this dark regime of truth will continue its hegemonic status. Mainstream and mainly positivist science may continue to try convincing us that this dark regime of truth is our fate, but we never fell into this trap and never believed that this darkness is our fate.”

One of the Autonomous Administration’s declared aims is to organize higher education based on a critique of the existing social sciences. Ferat Gernas describes the existing social sciences as a tool to “destroy social, ethical, and historical norms.” His view concurs with the broader idea that capitalist modernity and its ideology of liberalism (also neoliberalism) are anti-society, on a level that they actively destroy the very society they depend on (Ocalan 2020).

“By a new sociology, we mean that the social sciences should be based on strong historical and social sources, in a way that sociology can be reinterpreted and reconstituted,” stresses Gernas, highlighting the importance of “a new view” on history and anthropology, and a “new philosophy.” Successful implementation of this aim would accordingly bring about an amendment of social sciences and relations within society and the democratization of the social base itself.

That is why students of all faculties and higher educational institutions go through classes of jineolojî, democratic nation, history, and democratic confederalism. Gernas likens capitalist modernity to a “black hole creating a big and terrifying vacuum drawing and swallowing all social norms of the society.” Universities in DAANES are actively working to defend their students “against the huge impact of this vacuum” on them.

The successful implementation of a new social science is seen as a key for alternative universities, where students will be spared from the impacts of capitalist modernity. According to Gernas, these alternative universities not only condemn the idea of “industrialism in the service of political power and state, but we want to hinder its practical implementation.”

“When we produce knowledge, it is directly related to society itself, and we aim to find solutions to its problems. We don’t produce knowledge for power, market, and material gain,” he said.

While it is difficult to estimate how successful these efforts are, a few examples show there is plenty of room for hope. Ferat Gernas mentions that, in Syria, those studying medicine tend to rapidly open a medical office for financial gains, whereby their medicine students’ first choice is to work in health centers called Kilînîkên Gel (People’s Clinics), which provide free healthcare for everyone.

Until Rojava University opened its Petrochemical Faculty in Rimêlan, no women were allowed to enter spaces reserved for the oil industry and petrochemical studies in the city. With women studying petrochemistry, not only those spaces but also the politics of developing the petrochemical industry became “more human,” as Ferat Gernas put it.

“When women entered oil fields as engineers, their ecological sensitivity and their readiness to more actively preserve nature rapidly changed the politics and ways of oil production,” said Gernas. Oil is certainly not ecological in itself, but Rojava and DAANES rely on it as a source of energy and finances. According to Gernas, the fact that women are entering this field is already a significant change.

The biggest challenge in this continuing construction of an alternative university is still the same problem that the founding actors call the “big and terrifying vacuum” of capitalist modernity. As Ferat Gernas expresses it, “This vacuum draws many students to itself.” By contrast, the only imperative of alternative education is meeting the actual needs of society.

“We decided to develop a study program when we saw there is a real need of the local communities, of the institutions of Democratic Autonomous Administration or our educational system,” says Şervan Mislim, the co-president of the University of Kobanê. As an example, he evokes how they developed the master program for Kurdish Studies in their university: “At our university, we developed a master program for Kurdish Studies because there was a real need in our schools and communities in Kobanê to develop such a program.”

They first identified a need and proceeded to find the necessary spaces and capacities for fulfilling it. One need arose for schooling in the mother tongue: “Most of our students are schooled in Kurdish, but at the university level, we have not been able to secure all teaching in Kurdish until now, which is a real obstacle for some of our students,” says Mislim.

The universities were able to “successfully” mediate between their graduated students and the DAANES institutions, which, according to Mislim, “renders those institutions more capable of dealing with the tasks and services they are supposed to produce for the communities.” As a result, people consider this “as a gain of the whole society and the revolution.” At the same time, the graduate students’ participation in organizing social and political spaces raises people’s trust in “our universities and educational system as a whole,” states Mislim subsequently.

Şervan Mislim deals with the practical issues that emerge in organizing teaching and researching, much more than with theoretical considerations. That is why, according to him, “a lot of deficiencies” relate to the immaturity of the universities and the lack of personnel and several material resources. However, he states, “In our young history of about seven years at the University of Kobanê, we had successes and failures; we actively try to improve and develop according to the needs of communities and our students.”

In line with this practical approach, he calls for solidarity, saying, “We think there is a need to act in solidarity with our university, especially in developing teaching material and obtaining material needed for different laboratories in 12 different departments in our university. For academics, it is an act of solidarity to share their expertise with our students and staff.”

Hîva Mihemed Elî, a deputy of the co-presidency of the Educational Committee in Kobanê, indicates that the graduates have high employment rates.

“Those who finish the Autonomous Administration’s high schools mostly study at our universities. And every graduate student from our universities has been employed. There is no graduate student who hasn’t been employed. Actually, the students who graduated from the regime’s universities are also employed in the institutions of the Autonomous Administration. As an example, I can mention the staff of the University of Kobanê, especially in different fields of engineering, who graduated in 2022 and 2023 and have been employed by the university.”

Interpreting and Understanding Life and Society from a Woman’s Perspective

Jineolojî is an integral part of the alternative universities in Rojava. Zozan Sîma, a member of Jineolojî Academy, points to how women’s oppression – as well as their resistance and knowledge – are rendered invisible. This was the main reason for establishing Jineolojî Academy, which coordinates jineolojî classes at the university level.

“Jineolojî Academy was necessary because we couldn’t see either the way how we as people and as women are subjugated or our struggle against this subjugation within the existent science practices. Our identity as women and our issues were invisible within mainstream ways of knowing,” says Sîma. “On the other hand, the struggle of Kurdish people in the quest for freedom and its experience of more than 40 years has its own history and experience. Indeed, with the establishment of this academy, we could discuss the Kurdish movement’s ways of seeing things, its interpretations, its solutions for different problems and questions.”

The concept of a woman as the first colony played a role in establishing jineolojî as an independent discipline within the academia in NES. According to Sîma, conflicting descriptions and interpretations of women’s identity, and also still very present oppression of Kurdish culture and people, keep the traces of oppression and resistance against it very alive. She continued. “If we try to know ourselves, to understand the oppression against us as Kurds, we conclude that women as the first colony is a truth. It is a statement by Leader Apo [Abdullah Öcalan],” said Sîma about the concept of women as the first colony.

“When the movement analyzed our society as a whole, it discovered some truths about the situation of women as well. We see that it is not an eternal colonization; the identity of women was not invariably and forever an oppressed one. There are several different theories on the identity of women. Some of them consider women as an entirely oppressed identity, while others consider this situation as a natural state of being. But we will also show our differences in this respect. For us, women’s identity is neither an essentially sexual one, a naturally oppressed identity, nor an eternally oppressed identity. As I mentioned, being a woman is not an eternally oppressed identity, but ‘housewification’ has become the main method to subjugate any identity. When we speak of the first colony, our interpretation is based on this, and our interpretation continues to conclude that the first colony and the last colony are closely related, which implies that social liberation is connected to the ending of this last colony. The hegemonic global system, which is strongly patriarchal, is based on the colonization of women. Our conceptualization of women as the first colonized nation is based on such a reflection,” Sîma said, paraphrasing again Abdullah Öcalan.

According to Sîma, academies seem to be best fitted spaces to develop the expression of “our own ways of knowing, which have been rendered invisible in mainstream science and its different practices.” She says this is why “there is a need to build our revolution through a knowledge which is freed from occupation and colonization and make sure that this knowledge is produced outside of positivist sciences.” According to her, the way to ensure this is to “produce from our experience knowledge and share it with the broader society, that is why we see academies as a well-fitted format to produce this knowledge.”

Zozan Sîma thinks they can “erase all hierarchies and dogmas structurally fixed within the mainstream sciences” within the academy framework. This, in turn, will further enable them to “develop the curricula of Jineolojî independently, collect different knowledges, and register different ways of knowing.” She argues that the Kurdish movement’s experiences led it to decide on its method for the revolution, and their own experiences of education within the movement had led them “to establish these academies for Jineolojî.”

Sîma confirms the description of Jineolojî as the science of women, saying, “[it] is not a wrong description, but meanings we give to being women are multiple.” She states that constructing women’s knowledge is at the core of jineolojî and pursues her argument further, saying, “important thing hereby is, we don’t consider the identity of women as a biological one.”

For the system to reproduce existing social relations, sexism’s influence in society is considered a decisive one. In the field of sciences, Jineolojî sees the same “overwhelming impact of sexism.” According to Sîma, this is why jineolojî “plays a key role” in the struggle against the influence of sexism in “our higher education” but also in academia in general.

“This is an unimaginable political gain for the women’s movement,” says Sîma. “Our revolution made a dream come true: Educating our children against sexism and its influences.”

Knowing is “Xwebûn”

The new building of the University of Kobanê has a quote on its entrance: “zanîn xwebûn e, xwebûn hebûn e,” meaning “knowing is being oneself, being oneself is existing.” The relation conceived between knowledge and xwebûn—being oneself—is crucial for universities in the NES. The universities engage in processes of self-analysis to ensure that their foundationally anti-colonial perspectives are reproduced continuously. A research project called Project Xwebûn is part of this societal engagement and has been going for eight years at universities in the NES. A member of the research team working on the project, Leyla Ebdo, points out the importance of redefining the very concept of knowledge and producing and democratizing knowledge, especially as it concerns the “political subjectification” of individuals and the continuous application of alternatives.

“These processes and their socio-political effects, how they affect individuals, have hardly been investigated. That is why the Xwebûn Project is vital for understanding development and assessing our universities’ role in social change. To see what was implemented successfully, to redefine, democratize, and decolonize knowledge and the ways of knowing,” says Ebdo.

This self-analysis project calls for the participation of students and teaching staff to secure the decolonization of research processes. It is done through a method of dialogical meetings that is geared toward avoiding euro-centric influences. According to Ebdo, “not only the philosophy of the research […], but also the methods to conduct the project will be decided upon in an internal dialog between the teaching staff and students.”

Ebdo finds it important to secure expertise and, at the same time, “academic solidarity.”

“We want to have an external dialogue with academics with expertise,” she says. “We see it as an act of solidarity.”

Footnotes

1. Jineolojî is the science of woman and life, proposed by Ocalan. ︎
2. Şahîn Oso, a member of the Educational Committee of DAANES from Kobanê, gave these numbers during an earlier interview with the author. ︎
3. Japan is often mentioned as the only country outside the Western sphere that was able to industrialize successfully because it had never been colonized. ︎
4. As conceptualized by Abdullah Ocalan, capitalist modernity is the ideological, cultural, and social project that dominates and colonizes contemporary human imagination. In the same discourse, liberalism as a European ideology is a pillar of capitalist modernity, seemingly tolerating different views but monopolizing the claim to truth and judgment over good and evil. Ocalan sees it as the worst anti-society ideology. He proposes to strengthen democratic modernity to encounter capitalist modernity (2020). ︎
5. Scientism is the view that science and scientific methods are the only way to render the truth about the world and reality. The way Ocalan criticizes scientism can be read from this sentence: “The nation-state’s second most important eclectic ideology is positivist scientism [The first one being liberalism]. It is the ideological source closest to nationalism. They foster one another. Its founder, Auguste Comte, explicitly wanted to construct positivism as a secular, universal religion.” (Ocalan 2020) ︎
6. Actors of the Rojava Revolution refer to the struggle for regime change in Syria and elsewhere in the Middle East in 2011 and 2012 not as the “Arab Spring” but as the “Spring of the Peoples,” highlighting that in many of those countries, the concerned population was all but homogenous. ︎

Sources

Al Ahmad, Samer. 2023. Education under strain in Al-Hasakeh Governorate: Disjointed Curricula and Political Antagonism Impact Civilians. Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Alfaisal, Haifa Saud. 2011. “Indigenous Epistemology and the Decolonisation of Postcolonialism” in Studies in Social & Political Thought, Volume 19 Summer 2011.

Mudimbe, Valentin-Yves. 1988. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Ndofirepi, Amasa P. The African University in the Neoliberal Era: In Pursuit of Socially Just Knowledge in the 21st Century. In: Decolonizing African University Knowledge,

Volume 2: Challenging the Neoliberal Mantra (edited by Ndofirepi et al.) New York and London: Routledge. Pp 32-50.

Ocalan, Abdullah. 2007. Prison Writings: The Roots of Civilisation. London: Pluto Press. 2020. Sociology of Freedom: Manifesto of the Democratic Civilization 3. Oakland: PM Press.

Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. 1999. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples

The wave of repression against the Kurdish language continues. While the owner of the Payîz Pirtûk library in Amed, Cihat Güney, was released, two more people were arrested. This brings the number of people in custody as part of the proceedings against language associations in Amed (tr. Diyarbakir) to 31.

On 24 September, the Turkish police raided the Association for the Study of Languages ​​and Cultures of Mesopotamia (MED-DER), the Payîz Pirtûk bookstore, and the Cooperative for Education in Language and Art (ANKA) in Amed. At the same time, the homes of many employees of these institutions were searched on the orders of the Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. The office has apparently been conducting an investigation into this since 2022. Books, magazines and digital materials were confiscated during the raids. A confidentiality order was issued on the investigation. Those arrested are being held in the Diyarbakır Police Department’s Terrorism Department. Cihat Güney, the owner of Payîz Pirtûk, was released after giving a statement to the public prosecutor.

More arrests and transfers

Two more arrests were made on Wednesday evening. ANKA teacher Mehmet Salin Temel and Rojda Yıldız from the editorial board of Jineolojî magazine are now also in custody. Meanwhile, the period of detention for those arrested since 24 September has been extended. According to lawyers’ reports, Belkıs Süleymanoğlu, who was taken into custody in Izmir, was also taken to the anti-terror police in Amed. Şehriban Ayluçtarhan was taken into custody in Istanbul.

Amed-The Women’s Association for Culture, Art and Literature (KASED) has provided artistic activities for women and children since it was founded in Amed (Diyarbakır) in 2021 with the motto, “Art is for everybody”. Organizing music, painting, language and literature and Jineology workshops, the association has reached hundreds of women and children so far.

NuJINHA spoke to Saliha Ayata, one of the Kurdish-language teachers of the KASED, about the purpose and activities of the association. “The association was founded by seven women to support women in art,” she said, adding that the association moved its headquarters from Amed’s Rezan (Bağlar) district to the district of Sur. “We achieved our goals in Rezan and now we aim to achieve our goals in Sur by reaching more women and children.”

‘We are here to be an alternative’

“We are here to be an alternative and support women, who are interested in art and want to become artists,” she said. “We opened the association for Kurdish women who want to develop or discover their talents in the field of art. We first carried out our activities for women and children in Bağlar.  We organized many courses for them and reached hundreds of women and children in the district.”

‘We were first welcomed by women and children’

After the association moved its headquarters to Sur, the heart and memory of the city, the members of the association were first welcomed by women and children.

“The reality of this city is these streets and the stories in Sur. Since we moved our headquarters to the district, the residents have visited us and asked questions about our courses. We are planning to provide music, art, language, dance and instrument courses.to women and children. We also decided to provide an amigurumi course to mothers.”

‘We can organize more activities together’

The courses of the association will start next week. “I call on all women and young people to organize more activities together. Everyone should attend our courses,” she said. The association also provides a course about Kurdish novels. “We read Kurdish novels, discuss them and write essays. We are excited about our courses to start next week. We aim to reach all women and children in a short time.”

The Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria is under attack on many levels simultaneously. While, on the one hand, a massive policy of displacement is taking place and the demographics of the region are being actively reshaped in the Turkish-occupied regions, the Turkish state is using its control over the rivers to dry up or flood the region. Added to this are the worsening conditions due to man-made climate change.

Despite all the difficulties, the Rojava Revolution made the construction of an ecological society one of its cornerstones. However, creating ecological awareness under wartime conditions proves difficult. The first ecology conference of North and East Syria took place in Qamishlo in the past weeks.

In this ANF interview, Ibrahim Esed commented on the fight for an ecological life in Northern and Eastern Syria and the implementation of the goals of the ecology conference.

Could you tell us about the pursuit of ecological approaches in Northern and Eastern Syria since the beginning of the revolution?

We can divide the work of the Ecology Council formed by the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Northern and Eastern Syria, or the institutionalization of ecological work, into two phases: before the revolution and after the revolution. The period after the revolution can also be divided into a phase before the formation of the Ecology Council and after that. If you look at the politics of the regional states, there are different developments in the different parts of Kurdistan. Even though it had the same attitude and mentality, the Ba’athist regime implemented its policies in a slightly different way. The economic and social policies developed by the Ba’athist regime were very subtle. The people in the region were deprived of the opportunity to support themselves with their land. This would create economic pressure on people.

This pressure was intended to create migration pressure from the Kurdish regions and ensure that the Kurdish population migrates to major cities and disperses. On the other hand, there was massive mistreatment of nature in Rojava. Since the people of Rojava were constantly preoccupied with economic problems, they were hardly able to perceive the destruction of nature and develop a counter-attitude. One can even say that the people of Rojava were not even aware of the destruction of their own nature. This policy was carried out by the Ba’athist regime in a very subtle and dirty way. The Ba’athist regime had turned the Cizîrê and Afrin regions into its own economic centers. The people who lived in these regions were forced to sell the products they grew for their livelihood very cheaply. The revenue from the mineral resources of these regions also went to the Ba’athist regime, and the people of the region did not benefit from these resources. In addition, there was no respect of nature in society. This situation continues to this day. Perhaps there is a connection to one’s own land, but this is too weak to protect it through ecological awareness. Such an attitude is missing not only in society but also among those who call themselves intellectuals.

The 19 July Revolution [2012] had a strong impact on all areas of life. Social life changed profoundly. People’s way of life, their family relationships, their relationship with nature and the organization of their lives are affected. To view the 19 July revolution exclusively as a political revolution would be very limiting. While important steps have been taken in some dimensions, some other levels remain underdeveloped due to the ongoing war and attacks by Turkey.

With the establishment of the Autonomous Administration, an attempt was made to develop an ecological life. The war delayed the necessary steps to be taken in this regard, inevitably. The Ecology Committee worked within the community framework. With the announcement of the Social Contract, an autonomous ecology committee was created. The committee was primarily oriented towards preserving the ecological work that had been done to date. For this reason, it lacked a paradigmatic dimension.

The Turkish state’s attacks on Northern and Eastern Syria, particularly the occupation of Afrin, Serêkaniyê and Girê Spî, and the destruction of nature there have caused serious damage. Work began last year to identify the extent of this damage and carry out appropriate repair work. It was important to introduce the concept of ecology into society and raise awareness of it. Over the last year, the Ecology Committee has become increasingly recognized both in society and in general institutions.

You recently organized an ecology conference in Northern and Eastern Syria. It was the first of its kind. What principles was this conference based on?

As an ecology committee, we have developed some plans. The Committee, the Ecology Council and the Ecology Academy have begun to work on this basis. The Ecology Committee and the Ecology Academy are active. Our work to establish the Ecology Council continues. The draft statutes for the council are ready. It is within our one-year target.

One of the tasks we set ourselves was to organize the ecology conference. It took place on 26 and 27 April. Many ecology activists and academics from different countries attended it. It was a conference at which current work was evaluated and perspectives were discussed. The conference has achieved its goal.

What was the main theme of your conference?

We joined the initiative for the liberation of Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] and adopted the following slogan: “We want to liberate Rêber Apo and solve the Kurdish question on the basis of the ecological paradigm.” All analysis and messages had this slogan as a base. Today, not only Northern and Eastern Syria, but the entire world is experiencing a serious ecological crisis. Rêber Apo has developed alternative solutions for all of these crises and offers perspectives for global problems with his democratic and ecological philosophy. But he is in total isolation. Through the conference we have once again tried to demonstrate this reality to the world. In this sense, all seminars were organized on the basis of the model of the democratic nation. Discussions were held about how the ecological paradigm could offer an alternative to the environmental deadlock created by the prevailing system. This alternative has come to life in Northern and Eastern Syria.

The second theme of the conference was identifying and overcoming the shortcomings in the implementation of the ecological paradigm in Northern and Eastern Syria. In addition, seminars and discussions were held in the areas of Women’s Academy, Jineolojî, Economy, Rojava Faculty, City Administration, Health and Rojava Reforestation and defence of nature. In this way, we tried to show society that ecology permeates all areas of life and that every institution is directly linked to it.

What were the main agenda items of the conference?

The two-day conference was held under two main themes. On the first day, democratic modernity was discussed from its emergence to resistance. The seminars by foreign scientists also took place in this context. On the second day, the conference looked at how environmental and social destruction takes place in a Kurdistan context. In this context, northern and eastern Syria as well as northern Kurdistan, southern Kurdistan and eastern Kurdistan were discussed.

A results paper was then written. The final declaration was presented to the conference delegates and the academics from abroad, activists and professors who attended the conference as guests. All institutions, organizations, non-governmental organizations, parties and environmental activists from Northern and Eastern Syria took part in the conference at delegate level. Due to the increasing attacks by the Turkish state on our region, many people from abroad who wanted to take part in the conference were unable to travel. Therefore, they took part in the conference online. With this in mind, the final declaration was prepared with the joint participation and consent of all conference delegates and guests. The final declaration consisted of 21 articles. The basic principle is to condemn the isolation of Rêber Apo imposed by the Turkish state, to create ecological urban models against the unplanned, polluting and carcinogenic urbanization, to eliminate the separation between cities and villages and, above all, the attitude and practice that the villages are in service of cities to put an end to it and to create a system in which villages and cities complement each other.

Rojava has been subject to fierce attacks for years. Both the infrastructure and the environment were massively destroyed. The Turkish state in particular has heavily attacked this region. What initiatives will you take against this?

The Turkish state is systematically carrying out a campaign of destruction against society and the environment in Northern and Eastern Syria. Both the Turkish state and the government in Damascus attack the model of self-government on a daily basis. These attacks are diverse and target every aspect of life. The government in Damascus uses many different attack methods in the region, including the distribution of drugs. The self-government defends itself against these attacks every day with all its institutions. We as the Ecology Committee are also working against this. It is important for us to protect nature in all its dimensions.

On the other hand, tests and analysis are carried out daily on the water of the Euphrates to assess the threat of cyanide in the water following a mine explosion in Turkey. Furthermore, the fight against drought continues. It was decided to hold a global ecology conference every year promoted by the Ecology Council of Northern and Eastern Syria. After the conference we created an ecology platform.

Will you also work to increase environmental awareness among the population?

Currently, our society has achieved awareness of keeping cities clean and protecting them. However, that alone does not constitute ecological awareness. It is therefore still necessary to create such awareness in society. This is the basis of our long-term strategy. We continue our efforts to spread ecological culture and understanding using the means at our disposal. We have an academy for this. In this academy we want to carry out ecological work based on the paradigm of the democratic nation. We continue to work against all environmentally destructive activities and activities, both in our own region, in the Middle East and in the world. There is a draft that we have prepared to create and protect the legal dimension of ecology which has been submitted to the legal institutions. According to this draft, all institutions and organizations within the self-government are based on living in harmony with ecology. The self-government system is already based on the ecological paradigm. On this basis, we will continue our efforts to develop sensitivity and responsibility among the population.

“Ecology and society cannot be understood separated from each other. How can we build a relation with nature if we don’t build a relation with the person next to us ?”

“Abdullah Öcalan researched the root of domination of Nature and on this basis propose a paradigm where ecology has a central role. His struggle for the protection of nature and for an ecological society have been an example not just for the Kurdish people but for people all around the world. Looking at the situation of Abdullah Öcalan, if the most radical defender of nature has been kidnapped, put in prison, in isolation, since 25 years, what can we say about the situation of Nature?”

“Ecology and women’s freedom are intrinsically connected. With the Rojava revolution the struggle for women’s liberation has made many steps forward. Ecology has not reached the same point, this is why we have to work even more to progress on this filed.”

These are some of the thoughts that were shared during the first ecological conference held by the Ecological Council of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria. On 26^th and 27^th of April we participated in the conference, which was held under the slogan “Freeing the leader Apo through the ecological paradigm and solving the Kurdish question”. It was focused especially on the application of the paradigm of Democratic Conferderalism in the field of Ecology. The participants shared thoughts and discussed together about how to develop an ecological mentality and practice in the framework of Democratic modernity, in North-East Syria and beyond.

Researchers, academics and activists from all over the world joined the conference (South-Africa, India, Mexico, Europe) sharing their researches, experiences local struggle, pf ecological resistance. These experiences showed once again that solutions for the ecological problems can not be found within the state system. In a lot of cases, after ecological parties or activists entered the institution or the state, instead of pursuing their ecological goals, they play a part in oppressing grassroots and indigenous ecological ecological movements.

Many topics were mentioned and the discussions about the relations between ecology, economy, and health were very participated, with interventions and questions. The topic of agriculture in particular caught the interest of the participants. Agriculture is among the most affected filed by ecological damages but at the same time it can play a central role in the process toward a socio-ecological society. The relation of the people with their land is the basis for the protection of Nature and social resistance. Agricultural cooperatives combine a social economy for the communities and the production of healthy food for them.

Gea Piccardi, researcher spoke about the relation between women’s freedom and ecology. Understanding this relation can allow us to struggle in a more radical way against the dominant system and for a free life. Piccardi showed how the ecological thought of Abdullah Öcalan was influenced not only by the theories of Murray Bookchin about social-ecology and municipalism but from the ideas of the eco-feminist Maria Mies about the relation between oppression of nature and women, about the knowledge of women. In this framework, Piccardi also spoke about Jineoloji, the science of women and of life, developed by the Kurdish freedom movement. Jineoloji, with its approach and methods of research, represents a revolutionary way to struggle for a free life and a democratic society. Against the attacks of positivism, Jineoloji proposes to recover the relation between women and Nature as basis for the re-establishment of relations free from domination.

Dr. Davide Grasso from Italy who joined the conference via zoom applied the method of Abdullah Öcalan on the problem of technology and its influence on the nature. He stated that technique was something that humans always applied for their survival without destroying the balance between them and the nature, but that the since the use of technique was put under the dictate of profit, it started to damage this balance heavily and led to the severe environmental crisis that we face today.

For North-East Syria a reorganization of the ecological works is in progress. The works that have been made from the beginning of the revolution until now have been evaluated with self-criticism. It was stated that in the fields of women’s liberation, which is one of the essential parts of the democratic conferderalist paradigm steps have been made, while for ecology, which is of the same importance, not enough effort has been made.

The conference led to the decision that the ecological work needed to be re-organized. Therefore, it was decided that specific ecological institutions will be build in order to progress in the ecological work. At the same time all the institutions will be responsible for the development and implementation of the ecological paradigm. From the neighbor’s commune to the education, health and economy committee. Nature and the health of the land are basis for the life, this is why this new structure is based on the idea that everyone needs to feel responsible for ecology, not just one specific department. This system, in accord to the view of the new Social Contract, pursues the dialectic line of decentralization and professionalization.

The Conference concluded with a Declaration and the will of all the institutions and guests to strengthen the collaboration and relation between democratic forces and struggles all over the world. For an ecological society we have to start from our society, organizing ourselves on ecological principles against individualism, green capitalism, patriarchy and State-system. Only in this way we could put in practice the philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan and struggle for his physical freedom.

How does the Diplomacy Committee organize its work?

Kongra Star has a long history as a women’s movement and with the revolution it began to organize its own committees. One of these is the Diplomacy Committee, which was founded in 2013. In the early days, there were diplomatic committees in every city, every region and every canton. In the last two to three years there have been some changes in the way we work and organize. One of the main tasks of the Kongra Star spokeswoman is personal contact with social institutions and organizations. For this reason, our work was mainly carried out centrally. All committees have their own work areas. Our aim is to convey the Rojava revolution to the outside world and inform people about the resistance. As Kongra Star, we have built connections with other women’s organizations, both here and in the rest of Syria, the Middle East and around the world. There are representatives of Kongra Star in Lebanon, Europe and Southern Kurdistan. We actually wanted to set up representation in some Arab states, but there were many bureaucratic obstacles. We travel back and forth all the time.

What bureaucratic obstacles?

In general, it is difficult for Syrian nationals to open an office or representative office in another country. We often have problems traveling abroad. We are invited to many conferences abroad, but we have difficulty getting there. This problem is due to the fact that we are Syrian nationals and Syria is under an embargo in many respects. The online alternative was established during the Covid period. We now conduct many of our activities this way. Even if we can’t do it from here, our representatives in Europe, Lebanon and South Kurdistan sometimes travel to different countries.

The Rojava Revolution is known throughout the world as the Women’s Revolution. To what extent have you succeeded in communicating the revolution and the women who led it to the outside world?

It would be a historical mistake to say that the work of women’s diplomacy only began with the Rojava Revolution. Sakine Cansız and many other pioneers have done valuable work in the struggle of Kurdish women. There is a history of recognition that has come from the work of these friends. In this sense, we cannot say that everything started with us, but the revolution in Rojava and the struggle of women like Arîn Mîrkan have opened many diplomatic doors for us. Perhaps initially the military dimension was in the foreground. The military struggle became known worldwide, but then the delegations and people who came from outside and saw the developments were very effective. They could testify that women were active in all areas of society. In many revolutions around the world, women’s participation has been limited to one dimension or area. In the Rojava Revolution, the active participation of women in all areas of life caused a great response throughout the world. This made many internationalists join this revolution and some fell as martyrs for it. They have made films about Rojava and published documentaries and books. What appeals most is the system of co-representation, the fifty percent quota for women, the autonomous women’s organization, Jineolojî and the active role of women in many areas of life. If there is no struggle and no practical work, no diplomatic work can be done. Our diplomatic work is based on our struggle and our hard-won achievements. Compared to the resistance that is being put up here every day, our diplomatic work is inadequate. Of course, it is important that Kongra Star has been operating and leading the revolution for a long time and that 54 women’s organizations have been founded so far. Nevertheless, the diplomatic work could be better; we have not yet reached the desired level. If each institution and organization carried out diplomatic work in its own dimension, the work could be broader and more effective. We have many areas of work, such as health, ecology and economics. The committees responsible for this could do more comprehensive and larger work. Since the individual committees or organizations have not yet established their own diplomatic contacts and a corresponding work system, the main burden of this work falls on us.

What kind of relationships do you have with feminist movements and women’s organizations in other parts of the world?

We are a member of many different initiatives both in the Middle East and worldwide. We take part in conferences abroad through our representatives. Our representative in South Kurdistan works at the national level; in Lebanon we work with both Lebanese and Palestinian circles. There are some organizations that visited us at the beginning of the revolution and who continue to maintain friendly relations with us. Some of them keep coming back. When we declare our own revolution, the outside world was sceptical, but when a woman comes and experiences it herself, she understands the reality better. Those who come and see Rojava start working when they return. After the Serêkaniyê War, “Women Defend Rojava” committees were founded in twelve countries; Rojava is supported by 25 women’s committees in all areas. Within these committees there are different identities. Sometimes we work together and they ask our opinion and get suggestions from us. We not only take part in conferences, but also carry out joint activities. On certain days, like 8 March or 25 November, we work together. Maybe there are some special days in the world, but here in Rojava we have many dates that we consider special. We ask everyone to take part in such days and activities.

How do women in the world see you? Do they welcome the women’s revolution in Rojava?

There are some feminist movements that have existed for centuries. These movements have carried out a wide range of activities for women, but their activities have remained partial or limited only to the Western axis and have not been able to cover all women. Liberalism also had a major influence on these women’s movements. The effects of both liberalism and capitalism have resulted in the absence of strong women’s movements. Of course, strong female personalities emerged and there were important actions and activities, but no organized women’s movement developed. That is the situation in the West. In the countries of the Middle East and Africa, the social influence of religious fanaticism, racism and sexism has exacerbated women’s problems. Neither system offers a solution. When women in search of freedom become aware of our revolution, they are faced with the fact that women exist with their own perspective, their own being, and their own organization. That is why there is the participation of internationalists. They see themselves in this revolution and find answers to their questions. Delegations from supposedly particularly democratic countries declare that the quota of women in their country is no more than 15 percent. What impresses them most is the fact that we are represented equally in all areas of life. In Switzerland, for example, our co-chairing system is offered as a course at the university. There aren’t many examples of this in the world. There were similar attempts in Germany, but they were not further developed. We live by this model.

What has changed in your work in 2023 compared to previous years?

Our second diplomatic conference took place in 2022, and at that conference we drew up a two-year program. This year will be the third conference. In the last two years we have done a lot of information work to document the attacks and occupation attempts by the Turkish state. We forwarded the documentation in seven languages to various countries and legal institutions and were in contact with many organizations. Our goal was to make the Turkish state’s attacks and massacres public, to put them on the agenda and to create pressure. Our further work was mainly focused on the Middle East. We took part in the World Women’s March and worked on the initiative of women from the Middle East and North Africa against massacres and occupation. This initiative is primarily active in Syria, Sudan, Yemen, Kurdistan and many other places. There were also visits around the world, including Morocco, Egypt and Lebanon. In some countries in the Middle East and Africa, the Rojava Revolution is not properly known. Because there were obstacles, women could not come to us and get to know the revolution better. That’s why we visited her. We have to start in our own environment. We cannot spread our revolution worldwide without doing so in the Middle East and Africa. The “Jin Jiyan Azadî” philosophy has spread with our revolution and has had great influence, especially in Rojhilat and Iran. Our basic perspective is aimed at fighting for political change in Syria and the countries of the Middle East first. The Middle East is particularly affected by policies of assimilation, division, massacres, racism and fundamentalism. This is what our work focuses on.

The session moderator, Nourshan Hussein, spokesperson for the Civil Diplomacy Center, and the speakers, Perwin Youssef, a member of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), and Zozan Sima, a member of the Jinology Academy, explained their views on the development of the revolution in North and East Syria.

The webinar recording on CDC YouTube channel:

At the beginning of the webinar, a short video was shown to introduce the Rojava Revolution and the model of Democratic Autonomous-Administration that was built on the values of the democratic nation. After that, Perwin Youssef spoke about the Social Contract and the model of Autonomous-Administration in North and East Syria, and Zozan Sima spoke about the democratic transformation of society through the women’s freedom struggle.

The introduction video:

THE DEMOCRATIC NATION SYSTEM IS THE ONLY PATH TO SALVATION

In the first topic of the session, Perwin Youssef spoke about the start of the revolution on July 19 and said: “The Rojava Revolution has been going on for 12 years and we have gained many friends during these years. The Rojava Revolution, through its enormous sacrifices, has become hope and inspiration for the freedom of humanity and the Middle East.” It is admired by all people around the world today. The revolution that began in 2011 was called Peoples’ Spring. We as the Rojava people were an essential part of that revolution, certainly, our participation did not come from thin air, but was the result of 20-year struggle against authoritarians and injustice. We wanted to build a Democratic Autonomous-Administration with the participation of all components, including Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and others, and to embrace all religions, beliefs, and nationalities in the region. As is known, the Syrian fabric is so rich that it can be recognized by its multiple colors and beliefs, which is why our revolution has become a hope for all components, and an opportunity to restore its identity, origins, and culture once again after the Baathist regime obliterated them for decades.

WORKING TOGETHER WE BUILT TRUST AGAIN

Perwin Youssef stated about the ongoing war in Syria, saying: “The revolution in Syria in general began with the slogan, ‘The people want to overthrow the regime,’ but in the North and East region of Syria, the people’s goal from the beginning was to demand change, transformation, and recognition of all components. We also made these demands our goal. That’s why we started building communes, cooperatives, and councils. That step was the beginning of a historical stage for us, so we began organizing the people so that we could eliminate the hostility that the national state had created between the components in the region. For this purpose, we built trust in society between ethnicities and sects from the beginning because our ideology depends on the strength of society and its free will. We have always been subjected to major attacks by regional countries and the ruling regime. In response to these attacks, we have established our legitimate civil defense committees so that society can defend its revolution and Autonomous-Administration”.

ISIS WAS CREATED TO DESTROY THE REVOLUTION

Perwin Youssef emphasized that the attacks that occurred in North and East Syria in 2014 followed the declaration of Autonomous-Administration in its three cantons, which was based on the foundations of direct democracy, environmental awareness, and women’s freedom. In the same year, the first draft of the Social Contract for the Democratic Autonomous-Administration was drawn up. The forces that opposed the administration wanted to destroy it by attacking Kobani. In response, our people relied on their legitimate right to defense, which became a shield to protect the revolution, and the uprising that began in Kobani culminated in 2019 with victory in Baghouz, the last stronghold of ISIS terrorists. After the liberation of those regions from ISIS, the people built Autonomous Administrations in 4 other cantons, and thus 7 cantons were declared in the social contract in its new form in 2023.

WOMEN’S FREEDOM IN THE NORTH AND EAST REGION OF SYRIA

A member of the Jineolojî Academy Zozan Sima, also spoke about the women’s revolution in North and East Syria, saying: Because women’s struggles have become a reality in the world, we have many experiences, such as the Kurdistan Women’s Freedom Movement. We have a long struggle in this regard, and therefore we have gathered our experiences and struggles throughout the ages to obtain women’s freedom. Their struggle has two dimensions, one local and the other global. Women’s enslavement is ancient and historical. Therefore, ways and means of combating this must be creative and strong. In this regard, the capitalist system does not want to liberate women, so we are fighting a two-sided war against capitalism and neoliberalism. In response, the Kurdistan Women’s Freedom Movement built a new system for women and invented new methods to struggle with the ideas and opinions of Leader Ocalan. We have made women the center of the revolution in Kurdistan and the Middle East. Revolutions will not win unless they accept women’s freedom. These experiments and projects are already taking place in North and East Syria, where we see women leading the revolution and organizing themselves in all fields.

WOMEN’S ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE NORTH AND EAST REGION OF SYRIA

Zozan Sima referred to the achievements made by women in North and East Syria, and said: “Globally, women have organized themselves for their civil and human rights and participated in the uprisings as an oppressed class.” Women in the Kurdistan Freedom Movement fought for their national rights, and after the 1990s, women began to fight for their freedom, identity, and existence and were organized in all regions of life in the North and East regions of Syria, where women participated in various fields of communications, media, economics, politics, art, culture, and others. It has independent organizations. Because the Rojava revolution became an opportunity for women’s freedom. There is no doubt that these achievements were achieved with difficulty because we struggled against anti-democratic mechanisms. Now, women work in all institutions, even at the leadership level, as they represent women’s councils and movements. Even in the legal field, some courts and laws that specialize in women.

CHANGING THE SOCIETY’S MENTALITY

In conclusion, Zozan Sima noted the work carried out by the Jinenolojî Academy as an academy specializing in women’s science, saying: “Our work is also related to the women’s movement, and we study social issues, problems and conflicts, and the research we conduct becomes the basis of social work for women’s movements and organizations, and for us the elimination of violence against women in the revolution, building the democratic family, and achieving women’s freedom are the standards for which we work and struggle to change the mentality. We take upon ourselves this duty to continuously educate society in all its stages, from primary schools to the university level, courses are offered in gender science, as well as our department is studied at the university. On the other hand, we have relationships with international universities where we carry out joint projects and activities together. The work we do may not be satisfactory, so we continue to constantly develop our research and teaching methods.

It is worth noting that before the end of the webinar, a discussion was opened on the topics of the webinar, which received everyone’s support and passion to learn more about the developments of the Rojava Revolution and women’s leadership roles.

Today Turkish strike on the Simav Printing House in Qamishlo killed Berivan and five other employees there. Ala El Sebawi also lost her life during the Turkish strike on a public bakery. Berivan and Ala are two young woman from Rojava who struggled to build themselves another life. Before the revolution, women were not allowed to make their own life choices. Until now we know that Riyad Hemo, Hisên Ehmed, Rênas Hisên, Ferhan Xelef and Ferhan Temê also have lost their lives and more were injured.

For each place struck by Turkey, for each individual that has been lost, so have been lost long-lasting memories: memories of how to make revolution and how to build up a new life.

Other places have also been targeted by Turkey: In the center of Amude, it was the people’s cooperative producing olives. We remember a woman from Afrin saying “Here, when I am with the olives, it makes me feel closer to Afrin – and this brings me joy”. It’s important to know that for the people of Afrin, the olive tree is sacred, considered a source of life. Today, their olives are being cut, extracted by the Turkish mercenaries. “Each time they cut an olive tree”, they say, “they kill one of us. Since the day Afrin has been occupied, many of our elders from Afrin are dying during the time of olive harvesting. We know this is not a coincidence.”

Turkey hit another place too: the hall of Karama in Amude. We remember the time when the womens organization, Kongra-Star, held its congress there, celebrating the women’s revolution. Hundreds of women of every age were there. And for the people of Amude, it is a well-known gathering space for public meetings. Among many other places, Turkey targeted the dialysis center in Qamishlo. Recently, it was being discussed how more alternatives can be built for sick people in the region. Because, this was the only one giving public service.

Even since we’ve started writing this call, the news of new attacks are growing exponentially. The infrastructure being targeted from all regions of Rojava right now include hospitals and medical sites and depots, food supply locations, textile factories, petrol stations and wells, agricultural cooperatives, building and construction depots, and grain mills.

Meanwhile, the peoples’ of Rojava have not ceased their efforts to organize themselves according to the principles of the democratic, ecological paradigm based on women’s liberation. They have rebuilt their lives out of the ruins of war. In a marginalized region which was oppressed by the Assad regime for decades, with a very limited infrastructure base, factories were built, as well as workshops and cooperatives to produce the basic necessities. Schools were built up, academies in order for everyone to learn in their own mother tongue. Printing houses were built in order to freely share analysis, novels, and poems. Hospitals were built to treat the sick. Meeting and celebration places were built up. To supply the energy need, oil stations were managed. Each of them is built by relentless efforts of people organised in communes, councils, cooperatives and academies to honour hope and assert a will for life. These are the practical outcomes of the hope that we can build a free life without relying on state, capitalism and patriarchy.

The most recent achievements of the Kurdish freedom movement are threatening to the existence of the Turkish fascist state. On December 13th, the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria declared its new Social Contract. On December 19th, Kurdish parties secured the majority of the seats in the local elections in Kirkuk, Iraq. Also, the guerilla made successful actions against the occupying Turkish military in the mountains of southern Kurdistan (Iraq).

This is why the Turkish army is – once again – escalating their attacks on Rojava towards their dream of a neo-ottoman empire.

What becomes obvious is that these attacks are part of the systematic warfare which aims at destroying people’s lives here in Rojava, and ultimately the hope which they are spreading. This new wave of attacks targets critical infrastructure and in combination with the embargo, the survival of all lives are threatened, with water, fuel and electricity shortages. We should read this strategy as part of Erdogan’s long-term occupation plans – the same Erdogan who calls the attacks on the infrastructure, schools, hospitals and churches in Gaza a genocide.

This is a truth: the whole world is now under attack from the fascist, capitalist, male-dominated states. We call for a united struggle against the machinery of war which through occupation, genocide and feminicide tries to divide and conquer. Like the peoples of Rojava/North-East Syria who insist on building free life in struggle, for which so many have given their lives, now here is the call for everybody to resist and organize against fascism, occupation and patriarchy – and to build up a free life in dignity!

Andrea Wolf Institute of Jineolojî Academy

Rojava / Region of Autonomous Administration North and East Syria, 25.12.2023

Contact: jineoloji-international [at] riseup.net

The conference has seen the alternation of seminars and discussions about the struggle of Rêber Apo and some of the problems that are currently most affecting the youth of the region. In order to find solutions for them, in particular underage marriage, fleeing and migration, and the use of drugs have been discussed.

Beside the military attacks, the population of North-East Syria and its revolution are, since more than 11 years, at the center of a heavy special warfare (psychological, economical, cultural etc.). In this framework women and the youth, the vanguards of the revolution are particularly targeted. What the capitalist system, firstly embodied by the Turkish state, seeks to deepen is the ongoing societycide. This term was created by Rêber Apo to refer to the annihilation of society, destruction of its social fabric, its identity, erase of its history. Confronted with this, what the youth of the region are doing everyday, is struggling against this enemy, in order to build a democratic society and a free life. During this conference the determination showed by the youth to fight on one side the feudalism present in the region, and on the other, the influence of capitalist modernity, has given us a lot of strength.

The first problem that has been discussed was underage marriage. Analyzing the reality of the region, it has clearly emerged how patriarchy, in the form of feudalism, had used religion to legitimize a life-cage for women. A model of how a woman should be, how her life should be. Silent, submissive, serving in the house (cooking cleaning, taking care of children, and the elderly). In front of the search of many women for a different life, capitalist modernity has answered manipulating the idea of freedom, especially through social-media, creating new models of how a woman should be, how her life should look like. But what does a young woman from the Middle East see when she opens Instagram or Facebook? She is bombarded with gender-sexist contents, showing marriage as main goal to achieve. Early marriage and self-sexualization are shown as modern, symbols of progress and “freedom”. With the liberal idea of “Everything you want, you can do it” women are manipulated to think that marriage is their greatest desire. In this way capitalist modernity pushes women, again, inside the same cage of slavery. But with the illusion that this time it’s their “free” choice. Moreover, with the idea of “I want my freedom, to make my own choices” the system pushes individualism and competition between women, in order to break the unity among them and make them isolated and weaker. As an answer, the youth have reaffirmed that the philosophy of Rêber Apo, the science of Jineoloji and the principles of women’s liberation, will be the foundation of their struggle. Something very important has also been the will of “starting from ourselves”, from our own family, challenging the patriarchal mentality within it, and bring instead the principles of women’s liberation, democratic family and Hevjiiyana Azad. This, next to the organization of seminars and educations on women’s liberation, is the way chosen by the youth. This is how they are showing what it means to put in practice the methods of Sociology of Freedom.

Fleeing and migration of the youth, direct consequences of Turkish long-time total warfare, have also been discussed. The continuous threat of invasion, the tension created by the almost daily drone strikes and the economic warfare aim to break the morale of the people and weaken the relation with their land. Making people flee is a strategical step in the colonialist vision of the Turkish state. Especially in a region where the main strength is the resistance of the people, an empty land is easier to occupy. The answer elaborated by the youth is multi-polar. As youth, we have to ask ourselves which world do we want? And, for who do we want it? Just for us, or for everyone? The main perspective elaborated as an answer, by the youth, regards the development of people’s economy, on the basis of democratic modernity. Advancing with the system of cooperatives will be the way to reply to the economical issue. This struggle also means to re-build a deep and truly love for the land, highlighting the indivisible relation between defense of land and society’s self-defense. Beside this, deconstructing the narrative of finding a “better life” abroad, exposing the lies hidden in it, also plays an important role.

In a context of physical and psychological attacks, an additional weapon that is especially used against the youth are drugs. We know very well how also in Europe the spread of drugs, in particular in political environments, is a destructive tool for hundreds of thousands of young people that are searching for perspectives, answers, searching for a community in which being able to share their contradictions, fears and dreams. Drugs have been used as a tool by Nation-states to break revolutionary movements for a long time. Now this is again clearly visible in the region, where both the Turkish and Syrian regimes, through agents and mercenaries, are pushing drugs into North-east Syria. The importance of increasing awareness about it has emerged among the youth. This will not regard only the health effects but will expose how drugs are part of the wider war on society carried on by the system to kill the youth and their spirit, to kill the will and strength of change, to make people dumb and passive.

In all these cases the role of special warfare has emerged as crucial. Of fundamental importance is, therefore, to deepen the understanding of how the system is trying to break the moral of the society and its resistance, substituting at its place individualism and liberalism. In this process the role of so-called ‘social’ media has also been seen as a very powerful tool of manipulation. Labeling many things as backward, the system wants to distance people, and especially the youth, from their roots, it wants to show itself as the only possible alternative, and for this it needs to create fake images of the life in capitalist modernity and make society believe in it. As an answer to all these attacks, the youth have replied expressing their will to increase the level and the strength of social organization, “from village to village, commune to commune, visiting the families and organizing them.” with the aim of re-building a stronger spirit of communality. Also through sport, artistic and cultural activities more and more young people will be involved. All of this would have no basis, methods and perspectives without the philosophy of Rêber Apo, that’s why deepening its understanding is necessary. The will of bringing the paradigm more inside the society, closer to the youth, making it more and more accessible, will be pursued through the organization of seminars, meetings and conferences. The enthusiasm at the end of the discussion has also led to the proposal that a conference like this will yearly be organized.

“A Revolutionary is one who loves life so much that they cannot accept less than a free life, for everyone. A Revolutionary is one who is always looking for solutions to the problems of society” in this vision, these young people, with their level of organization, commitment and love for life are an inspiring example.

This gathering has continued on the path opened by Rêber Apo and all the democratic and resistance forces that have come before us. This conference has definitely made a step in the way towards freedom.

Also check out the interviews with 3 members of the revolutionary youth movement, young people who came from different parts of Rojava like Sehba and Kobanê:

Internationalist Commune of Rojava,
06/11/2023

Lecture 8 of the Rojava series about Ecology and Jineoloji promoted by Global University for Sustainability, the Civil Diplomacy Center in North East Syria, and Synergia Co-operative Institute, is now online.

The lecturer was Zehriban Hussein, a member of the Jineoloji Academy in Northern and Eastern Syria, while the respondent was Eleanora Gea Piccardi, PhD student at Centro de Estudos Sociais, Portugal.

Zehriban Hussein begins the lecture by stating that nature is not a dead thing, it is alive. Our treatment of nature as mere matter is done in the name of industrialization and this has led to catastrophic results. Jineoloji is the science of women and ecology – a social science. Women are the ones who bring life into the world. This is a science that attempts to understand life, nature, and women and the ways in which they intersect and co-exist. The word for woman and life come from the same root – jin. So, Jineoloji is also about finding solutions to the issues and problems that are confronting life and women in the context of patriarchy and the materialization and subjugation of nature and women.

This is the reality that must be recognized and responded to as there is an integral connection and similarity between the nature and role of women and the nature of the world around us. Abdulah Ocalan taught that by liberating women we can also liberate nature. Jineoloji seeks an alternative to this pattern which also reflects the reality around us. The purpose of science is to serve the needs of society. However, science has instead served to destroy nature and undermine human society. The liberation of women is a reaction against sexism. By understanding the nature of women, we can also change the fixed roles that perpetuate sexism. So Jineoloji is also about liberating society from sexism. The paradigm of democratic confederalism bases itself on democracy, ecology, and the freedom of women. These are the three pillars of the democratic nation.

Democratic Confederalism attempts to develop methods that can realize these principles of jineoloji. Education is central to this project and its focus is teaching people how to think, as well as the treatment of politics as a process for how we organize our lives and that of society. Ethics and moral values are central to this approach to politics. The economy is also central to this transformative project. What kind of economy integrates these principles? Democratic confederalism aims at the creation of a social economy – not the replication of a capitalist industrial economy and the destruction of the environment.

In this way, ecology is intimately related to these questions. Ecology must now incorporate radical steps to protect nature, and this is extraordinarily difficult to do in a capitalist world. But to find solutions, we must first understand how the destruction and exploitation of nature started. If society is to survive, we must recover our respect for nature. Ecology and ideology must be in alignment.

Our life depends on it. Eleanora Gea Piccardi begins her comments by commemorating the assassination by Turkish forces of Nagihan Akarsel and other Kurdish women who have advocated for women’s rights. This violence reflects an ongoing and systematic assault against not only women but also the environment and the attempt to find alternatives to capitalism. Jineoloji is one significant response to the state’s capitalist and patriarchal assault on life. Jineoloji focuses our attention on Mesopotamia and the early rise of the state and hierarchical systems in this region. In ancient matriarchal societies, which also existed in the region, the logic of human society was not based on the dualistic forms that were later to rise with hierarchical systems.

The rise of hierarchy was the overturning of traditional life-affirming values to those of power, exploitation, and wealth accumulation. But jineoloji is not linear – nor is history. It is a spiral process, and we are returning to a recognition of forms that were present in matriarchal neolithic times. Jineoloji and the knowledge it reclaims turns our attention to this process and the reversal of the hierarchical and anti-ecological systems of power that are destroying the world.

During the earthquake in Kurdistan (Bakur and Rojava), Turkey and Syria, at least 51,000 people lost their lives, many more were wounded and lost their homes and beloved. With this article, with warm greetings from the Andrea Wolf Institute, we want to share our tenderness and strength to all the people affected by the earthquake. Our hearts and minds are with all of them.

When we follow the mainstream news, we see that the earthquake is projected as a “natural tragedy”. They transmit the idea that nature is an external and dangerous entity. An entity that is against us and therefore one which we need to be protected from. If we rise our eyes and expand our gaze, we will realize that the earthquake is not about cold numbers and individual stories detached from political and social reality. We would see that the people most affected by it are those who live in big cities; especially in impoverished neighborhoods, accumulated in high and unstable buildings, lacking resources and infrastructure. We would realize that many of them have been previously evicted, forced to leave their land and losing the possibility to live there.

After the earthquake. the states are pretending to solve the problems that they created in the first place. To understand this, the states need to be considered as part of the current dominant system, Capitalist Modernity. In this system, as defined by Abdullah Öcalan, the capitalist market system has become the dominant system in our societies. This system has spread worldwide and into almost all areas of life, measuring everything by its economical rather than by its ethical values. The companies and states – from Turkey, Syria, other states in the region, until Europe and the USA – are using the earthquake to strengthen their power and make profit. The earthquake has dismantled this problem of money-oriented projects and policies. During years, the corruption in the construction industry has led to fast construction and unstable buildings. This corruption is not an abnormal, but an integrated part of the system where money becomes more important than lives. A reality that becomes explicit with the collapse of those buildings. Another example are the new companies of cement that have been created to re-build the cities. Capital is always flowing to where it can extract the biggest profit.

With a face of humanitarian aid the states try to hide their bloody policies. Under these masks they rearrange the region according to their own interests. The Turkish state intensified the establishment of settlements in its occupied areas in Rojava, the northern part of current Syria. A clear and perverse example is the Turkish – Qatar agreement to create the so-called “City of Dignity” in Janders district. Under the excuse of rebuilding destroyed areas, they use the earthquake as an opportunity to continue expanding their occupation. They are uprooting the indigenous Kurdish and Alevis populations and let displaced people from other areas settle there. Furthermore, they are preventing help for people on the ground; pushing division and fragmentation by creating distrust and accusations of thieves; beating those who try to help and those who are crossing the borders; blocking every help coming from society; preventing the support from the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). These are just few examples of how the racist and fascist policies and practices manifest.¹

Once more, women and children are the ones who are suffering most from the devastating consequences of the earthquake. Acknowledging that many children have lost their parents is heartbreaking. It is even worse when we get to know the intervention of the state. In many occasions the Turkish state allied with fundamental Islamic organizations to take the custody of the children. Following their interests they send them to orphanages where they will be raised under their control. An example are the Ismael Aga organization’s residences that has been publicly denounced to insult and abuse the children. Apart from the inhuman conditions, the indoctrination of Islamic fundamentalist mindset is also highly concerning. The lack of values and caring is also seen in neglecting the women and their necessities. In the news we can see very few women taking decisions or responsibilities. But when we step on the ground, women are more than present. From the woman baking bread, women organizing the donations to the woman that has opened her house to give shelter to those in need.

These images of people supporting – especially women – show that not everything has been lies and destruction. Among the dramatic situation, gestures of empathy, care and love have been present. Mutual support has expanded: from the families, the neighborhoods, friends in the region to all around the world. People self-organizing have proved once more the strength that we, the people, have. This proves the necessity to recover the trust in our capacities; the ability to reflect, overcome and solve problems together; the awareness of our interconnections; the relations and actions that put them into practice; the questioning of our real necessities and aims connected to life.

How do we want to live? What to we want to rebuild? Do we want to live a life according to nature around us and remember that we are a part of it? Or do we want to live a life against nature forcing damage and alienation? How were our ancestors living in balance with their surrounding? What are current examples? Why are so many people pushed to live in big cities? Are big cities a solution? How can cities be in harmony with nature? How can we organize in a real democratic way?

Instead of looking just at the moment, we need a long, historical and wide perspective to answer these questions. Namely, to go back thousands of years and look at the emergence of the state and its mentality. This allows us, on one hand, to not see it as a peculiar problem of some single men in position of power. On the other hand, it becomes clearer that talking about a “natural catastrophe” killing people hides the cruelty of the state and its mentality. When we dig deeper we find that the roots of the problem lies in the distinction between human and nature. A separation that lead to the establishment of power and a ruling class.

One of the oldest examples can be seen in the Gilgamesh epic written in the 2^nd millennium BCE. Around that time Gilgamesh was probably the ruler of Uruk, one of the first cities in the Middle East. In the epic, Gilgamesh is described as a hero, who has performed many heroic deeds. He is described as an impetuous man. The citizens are forced to build the wall around the city and to realize other exhausting works. Concerning the women, Gilgamesh takes the “lord right” to rape brides on their wedding night. The inhabitants of Uruk finally call upon the Mother of all Goddesses to create a rival for Gilgamesh. When she hears the aim of the people, she creates Enkidu. This character lives freely in the forest among the animals, plants and all living beings. Enkidu is tamed by a prostitute woman, Shamat. They spend six days and seven nights and at the end Enkidu becomes a different man. She teaches him how to be “civil” and the ways of “civilization”. After this, the wild animals are afraid of him. From that moment onward, he will not live as part of nature anymore. Later on, Gilgamesh and Enkidu fight against each other. At the end, Enkidu acknowledges Gilgamesh’s superior strength and they become friends. Gilgamesh wants to continue having more fame and reputation. That’s why he proposes to his new friend to go and kill Chumbaba, the giant of the cedar forest. They end up killing the giant and many other gods of the forest. The goddess Ishtar wants to stop them but she does not succeed. At the end, Enkidu dies. In his last breathes he curses the woman that triggered the path of destruction. He is convinced that he should rather be grateful for everything. Gilgamesh, on his side, gets more afraid of his own death and continues his search for immortality. This epic is more than just a story, as mythologies are more than just stories. As much as today we use science to explain the world, in the time around 2,000 BCE, people used to give sense of the world through mythologies. In the figure of Enkidu we see how nature, and people living as part of nature, were either assimilated, in the ruling system, or destroyed. Gilgamesh on the other side, represents the “superior”, the “master”, the mentality of domination that does not only dis-attach from nature but also places itself above it. The Mother Goddess is also an other important character. During all the story she tries to defend and protect the nature and its creatures without a big success. All the attacks that she suffer represent the dis-valuation of nurture and care.

The story was written while the first cities, organized in an hierarchical way, appeared in the Middle East. The harmony of nature had been preserved through an animists belief. The consideration of our surroundings as sacred and alive entities, with soul, were in balance with life. As time passed, the cities started to arise. They were not determined to lead to power, but still little by little they favoured a life disconnected from nature. In the cities, the sacred started to be enclosed and limited to an elite in its temples. Nature turned into an entity separated from humans. The land, animals, plants and resources, became objects to conquer and posses. This was the base of the destruction of nature.

In this story we can find keys to understand the problem of the earthquake and beyond. It helps not only to understand the problem but also to look for solutions. Although money and material help is still needed, it is not enough. Neither is it enough to change our approach to nature in a superficial way. When we go deeper, we face and acknowledge the profound wounds that this earthquake has opened. There are grief processes lying in front of us. There is rage and sadness in all of us: the dead, the lack of support, the precarious living conditions, the hypocrisy and manipulation…

We also acknowledge and remark that the tragedy hasn’t been provoked by chance. And neither will this situation change by chance. That there is help to alleviate the earthquake damage is good. And it’s important that it is coming from all around the world. It reflects the international solidarity and humanity. But the question is – who and what are we going to support? Where are the help and the donations arriving? And as soon as the news are not focusing on the earthquake, what will we care about? If we do not pose these questions, we will perpetuate what is already happening. A large part of the donations are manipulated. The Turkish and Syrian state have continuously retained and appropriated the popular support. They have used a large variety of dirty mechanisms. One of them is the exchange of the popular organizations’ names on the trucks transporting aid goods with the names of radical Islamic groups. It is neither an insignificant nor a naive act. They attempt to give the image that self-organisation does not exist. There they strengthen the belief in the state and Islamic fundamentalism as if they were the ones protecting and helping.

That’s why we are willing to know and understand below the surface. To dismantle the state and the dominant mentality that suppress people and their lands.

Despite the continuous attempts, the states cannot erase popular self-organisation. We have seen – once more – that self-determination of the people works better than the existing state. That if we are willing and determined, we can create realities of our own beyond the states. This by itself is a big aim. The question is: who do we address for help and whom are we helping? We do not ask for a state to help, we are asking for the people to self-organise.

To step forward, we call for a deep reflection on how we live our lives. While remembering us as part of nature, together we can find real and practical solutions.

There will always be earthquakes, but we can make sure that in the future the damage will be less tragic. For this, it is not about building more and more high concrete buildings. Contrary, it is about building a life where we are connected with our surroundings and beyond. We don’t know the exact form of this path. But in history and the present, there are concrete examples that represent the horizon to walk through.

Indeed, we are writing this text from Jinwar, the women’s village in the AANES. A village, that is part of the women’s revolution. It was built up from below following the traditional way of building houses and being aware of the materials used. All the houses are facing each other in a circle, materializing the communal life. Next to the houses, there is a bakery, a vegetable garden, trees and medical plants. There is also ShifaJin, the healing center of women and children, which guarantees that the villagers can care about their own wellbeing. Jinwar is one example of building a self-sustainable life. It rises in a specific place, a specific moment and is embedded in a revolutionary process.

The earthquake calls for the emergency to find answers for the question all around the world: How and what do we want to build to walk through a communal and free life. To answer this question and revert the current situation, those silenced and undermined have to take the lead. The oppressed, especially women, who reserve, defend, and create values of freedom and community need to organize and combat the current destruction and dominance. Looking into the past, and looking to the future, we want to remind to collective courage to take the lead in our own hands.

1For further detail and development we reference to the statement from the Internationalist Commune of Rojava on the earthquake in Kurdistan, Syria and Turkey.

With their philosophy, consciousness and labor, women are the creators of communal life and a part of nature. Communal life is the most suitable form of life for women’s creativity, culture and needs. A project named “Commune Village Project” has been put into practice in the Hasûd village of Tirbespiyê, a city in the Qamishlo Canton for the villagers to earn a living from what they produce.

The history of the Hasûd village

The Hasûd village was built 71 years ago. It is located in the south of Tirbespiyê city of the Qamishlo Canton, North and East Syria.  21 years ago, many villagers were forced to leave the village after the Syrian regime caused fights among villagers. The village of Hasûd (Hasûd means agriculture and harvest in Kurdish) is known for agricultural richness.

When the village was built, there were only four houses in the village. But in time, the population of the village increased and according to the villagers, 400 people live in the village now. In the village, where mostly Kurdish people live, there are 15 Arab families. Arab and Kurdish families have a communal life by respecting each other’s cultural differences. The means of livelihood in the village is first agriculture and then animal husbandry. One of the main reasons for the realization of the commune village project in the village is that this village is actually very suitable for the project.

The aim is to develop a communal life

The project aims to support the villagers to earn a living from what they produce and Arab and Kurdish people to solve their problems together. After the actualization of the project in the village, the number of people, who leave the village to find a job, has decreased. The project has several sections such as gardening, women’s education and organization, improving children’s education and art skills. The three-year project is expected to be a role model for other villages.

‘Women lead in all spheres of life’

Şehzena Mûsa is a teacher of the section of children’s education and art skills. Mentioning how the project is important for the villagers, she said, “At the beginning, we decided to open a workshop as part of the project to ensure gender equality by including children. Women played a leading role in the preparation of training spaces. Now, we teach science and other things to children in order to stand on their own feet in the future. In addition, we, as women, share our traditions and the history of our village with each other. We also teach children how to communicate with each other by respecting each other. Now, children express their own opinions freely and they participate in discussions about themselves. Since the project was put into practice in the village two years ago, we give necessary information about life to children every Saturday. On other days of the week, children receive education about science and art, play games and participate in all the activities that children love. Children also receive language courses; Kurdish and Arab children learn each other’s language. Our aim is to raise children respecting democracy and each other’s identities.”

‘We always stand by each other’

Şêrîn Mihemed, co-chair of the Commune of the Hasûd village, has lived in the village for 40 years. “In this village, people have a strong relationship. We are like a big family. We always stand by each other and support each other. We love the attitudes of children, the strong stance of women and the laughs of mothers. In addition, we teach our experiences with children by telling stories. Two days a week, a mother gathers the children around her and tells them old stories and tales. In this way, we pass down our culture to the next generations.”

Section for Women’s Education

Cîhan Şêxmûs, a member of the section for women’s education, told us their activities as follows: “When we formed our education committee, all women willingly participated in the section. At the beginning, we formed a group consisting of women to spread women’s science (Jineology) in the village. Every week, all women in the village come together to talk about women’s science. Our education program focuses on natural life, women’s labor, women’s diseases and problems. Women can freely express their thoughts.”

Section for children’s education and art skills

Nofa Reşo, member of the section for children’s education and art skills, spoke about their activities as follows: “We have formed an art group in the village. Many times, we wanted to improve ourselves in art; however, we did not have any opportunities. This project provides this opportunity for us. Until now, we have taught three Kurdish dances to children. We love our village.”

The video below sadly does not contain English subtitles.

Dear friends and supporters of JINWAR,

We are happy that this newsletter reaches you. A long time passed, since we distributed our last Newsletter and meanwhile many of you tried to reach us to see how we are.

As you all heard about the earthquake that impacted Kurdistan (Bakûr and Rojava), Turkey and Syria we first of all want to let you know, that we are fine. Here in JINWAR, we felt the earth moving but fortunately there was no direct harm on houses or families. After checking all the houses – as far as we can see – for now there is no visible deformation but we are still worried about the impact further earthquakes might have on the village.

Even if there was not direct harm in the village, the hearth of everyone here is with people who lost their houses and who lost parts of their family and friends. We are really sad and sorry for what happened and sending all our love and strength to the people.

In the last months JINWAR was furthermore under the threat of war. Some villages around JINWAR were hit by the Turkish shellings and houses were destroyed. This of course also has an impact on the daily life in JINWAR. All the women and children decided to stay in the village and to use their voices publicly to make clear that they stand together against the war and that they will not leave the village.

As summer and autumn were over, people waited for the rain and the snow to come. This year it was a long period of waiting and when the rain finally arrived in January, everybody was happy because -as in a lot of places all over the world- here we can say and see that water means life.

In February also snow came for a short period of time, which most of the times is a big joy and something to celebrate, especially for the children.

This time, the situation was different. At the same time the snow came, the earthquake also happened.

But also during the intensified war and the earthquake disaster, the daily life continues and the preparation for planting new vegetables and crops have been completed. Besides other things, beans, wheat and barley have already been planted and the women continue to bake their own delicious bread.

Furthermore last year women had a sewing class and now one of the houses in JINWAR is turned into an atelier for sewing. The women are starting to work there, producing for their own necessities and things to sell. The children are continuing their creative self-education with dancing and creating bracelets.

Besides that guest from outside and inside Rojava are still coming to the village – this doesn’t stop even during times of intensified war. The friends of JINWAR in Europe are continuing their work as well so that the village of JINWAR is well known also beyond the borders of Rojava. On the same time, here we also started to visit different cities in Rojava, to introduce the village and to invite women and children to come and live here.

We are really happy and excited that in the last months new women and children arrived and now around 15 houses are filled with life. Now we have a one year old girl, for whom we are very exited to join her growing up.

We also have 4 new baby dogs and new baby sheeps.

Besides the daily works, we are also making plans for the future.
We are happy and excited to welcome new guest in spring and we are preparing ourselves for that and for the upcoming new projects. In Spring we have new projects for the new Shifa Jin natural health garden. Now we are organizing to get the seeds to plant.

JINWAR furthermore is an ongoing project and there are always works to do concerning the village. In summer we need to repair roofs of houses and we are looking for financial support for this.

In the period of intensive war, the Turkish state also attacked infrastructure in the region of the Autonomous Administration North and East Syria. This influenced the electricity system as well as the production of oil that is needed to warm up the houses. Luckily in JINWAR we have a solar panel to be more independent. Unfortunately one part of the solar panel is broken so that the energy was just
reaching half of the houses while the other half remained dark.

As you know we are opened for donations but on the same time Heyva Sor a Kurdistanê e.V. is also waiting for donations to support the regions that were influenced by the earthquake.

Donation options in various countries can be found at https://www.heyvasor.com/en/.

JINWAR
February 2023

E-Mail: womensvillage.jinwar@gmail.com
facebook: https://www.facebook.com/jinwarwomensvillage/

Asociation de sororidad internacionalista
content: JINWAR
Bank: Caixa d’engenyiers
IBAN: ES4230250025201400027571
SWIFT: CDENESBBXXX

Every person and every child should have the right to receive education in his or her mother tongue. We are trying to realize this right and currently offer schooling in three languages: Kurdish, Arabic and Aramaic. In the first three years, all school subjects are taught only in the respective mother tongue. From the 3rd grade onward, the children learn another language of the local population, such as Kurdish, Arabic or Aramaic. From the 5th grade, they can then choose a third language. In most cases, English is chosen.

Our education system works well and so far we have not had any major problems due to multilingualism. However, in rural areas it is sometimes difficult to find teachers of the native languages for all school subjects, including physics, chemistry and mathematics. Due to the attacks and financial problems, many people fled, including teachers from rural areas. Another difficulty is finding Kurdish teachers for native Arabic speakers who want to learn Kurdish as a second language and live in areas where there are just few Kurds.

One of the biggest problems of the education system is that we lack Kurdish textbooks and dictionaries, especially for the subjects of mathematics, physics, chemistry, geography and philosophy. Novels, history books and poems, on the other hand, are plentiful. For a good education in Kurdish, we need thousands of dictionaries and textbooks. In this challenge, our school system urgently needs outside support.

The difficult economic situation and the embargo are also reflected in the education sector. Because of this, it is enormously difficult to provide equipment needed for good teaching, such as computers, projectors, but also laboratories. Even the power supply in the schools can sometimes become a problem.

In addition, we have a shortage of school buildings. We also need to renovate the existing schools so that the children can be taught in safe and child-friendly rooms.

Do you know how many schools, students and teachers there are currently in Nort East Syria?

The current numbers (as of May 2022) are as follows: There is a total of 4,356 schools, 838,086 students, and 39,696 employees in the education system in all North East Syria.

The Self-Government of North East Syria consists of seven regions, namely Cizîr (Jazira), Firat (Euphrates), Efrîn (Afrin), Tebqa (Tabqa), Reqqa (ar-Raqqa), Minbic (Manbij) and Dêrazor (Deir ez-Zor). Each region has its own Education Council, which is responsible for education in the region. The Education Council is also responsible for building new schools and renovating and refurbishing old ones.

In the regime’s schools only in Arabic was taught. You have established a multilingual school system. What other differences are there between your school system and that of the regime?

Our education system is multilingual. Education in the mother tongue is the most important pillar of our system. Our goals are: Promoting democracy in society, raising conciseness for human rights and gender equality and promoting the cultures and languages of the people in the region. We work against religious extremism and promote peace, acceptance and tolerance between and within religious communities. For this reason, children are taught about all religions beginning in 9th grade. The management of the schools is democratic. Decisions are made together with children and their parents.

The education system of the Assad regime’s is based solely on Arabic and promotes only Arab-Islamic culture. Content is taught only from a Syrian Arab perspective. As a result, members of other ethnic and religious groups are discriminated and assimilated. The Assad regime’s political system is centralist, and the nationalist Baath Party makes all decisions alone.

Universities have also been established in North East Syria. Can you tell us something about the number of universities and the subjects that are taught there?

We originally had four universities, but Efrîn University was closed after the Turkish occupation. The other three universities are called Rojava University, Kobanê University and Şerq University. These universities were opened in 2016, 2017 and 2020 and are in the cities of Qamişlo, Kobanê and Reqqa. According to our most current knowledge, the following courses of study can be taken at the three universities: Agricultural Engineering, Petroleum Engineering, Petrochemical Engineering, Civil Engineering, Ecology, Medicine, Kurdish Language and Literature, Arabic Language and Literature. For the teaching degree program, there are the following subjects: Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Geography, History, Biology, and Elementary Education. In addition, there are the following faculties and institutes: the Faculty of Religious Studies, Faculty of Fine Arts, Institute of Translation Studies (English), Institute of Finance, Institute of Civil Engineering and Institute of Mechatronics (3 years). And of course, there is the Faculty of Social Sciences and the Jineolojî course at the Rojava University in Qamişlo.

In addition to the universities and schools, there are many academies in North East Syria. What role do they play? What is taught in them and who can participate in the education?

A wide variety of academies have been established in North East Syria. On the one hand, there are the Academies for a Democratic Society. These are open to society, especially to people who are active in the self-governing structures. There are also autonomous women’s academies and for example, academies specifically for teachers. This is because all teachers attend many different pedagogical, didactic and society-related courses. The purpose of the society-related courses is to build democratic consciousness among teachers. These courses in are very intensive and usually last between from 30 to 45 days.

The need for a “mental revolution” is often heard in North East Syria. Education plays an important role in this. Can you tell us what exactly you mean by “mental revolution” and what it is supposed to achieve?

A real revolution cannot be achieved simply by changing power or overthrowing someone in power. From our point of view, revolution means liberation from a nationalistic and hierarchical rule and ending the conditions that make such a rule possible. A revolution is successful when a peaceful, free and democratic system is established. This is not easy because the ideology and culture that the Syrian people have grown up with for decades is characterized by racism, sexism, islamism, cultural and linguistic racism. This has established an understanding that sees diversity as a threat to cohesion and uniformity as normality in society. Schools in regime-controlled areas have been and continue to be like factories for assimilation and brainwashing of the Syrian population. Moreover, the regime uses textbooks as a tool to continue its rule and Arabize all people in Syria. The regime’s decades-old education system is one of the main reasons of the Syrian brutal civil war that has lasted since 2011.

That is why we need an intellectual revolution. In self-government, especially in education, we are fighting for a democratic culture, a multicultural, multilingual society, the defense of women’s rights and freedom, gender equality, freedom of religion and belief. And our struggle against the old mentality and for a peaceful, free and democratic life continues.