Qamishlo — The Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton in Rojava continues its work to support women and protect their rights and achievements, relying on comprehensive approaches that go beyond relief assistance to include structural, social, and political empowerment of women.

The work of the Women’s Authority is not limited to providing direct support only, but also focuses on strengthening women’s organizational structures in neighborhoods, villages, and cities, starting from the communes that form the first line of defense for women’s rights, dignity, and organization.

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, confirmed that the Authority focuses on several main pillars in its work. The first is protection and self-organization, through following up on cases of domestic violence and gender-based violence via women’s protection centers and community committees, with a focus on solutions that preserve women’s dignity and prevent the recurrence of violations.

She explained: “We work to strengthen women’s organizational structures and reinforce communes and local councils, so that women are able to defend themselves and their achievements, and remain an active force in society despite all challenges.”

She added that the Authority works on women’s economic empowerment through cooperative projects, production workshops, and small agricultural and industrial projects. She noted that around 40 projects have been prepared to serve women in villages and cities, despite the complex political and security conditions that have prevented their full implementation. “Economic empowerment is closely linked to social and political empowerment, to ensure that women are not dependent solely on financial support, and to enable their full participation in community life.”

She highlighted the importance of women’s participation in political and social decision-making, stating that “women played a fundamental role in the Rojava Revolution in building a free and democratic society. They participated in all political, economic, social, and diplomatic fields, leaving a clear mark on the development and organization of community institutions. The establishment of the Women’s Protection Units and the development of their organizational structures have become a model emulated globally.” She also stressed the importance of training women in leadership, management, and institutional work to enhance their capacity to influence and make decisions.

Core Pillars for Continuing the Work

As Rohat Khalil explained, the Women’s Authority relies on three fundamental pillars to ensure continuity despite difficult circumstances: flexible grassroots organization, which allows work to continue even under siege and bombardment; the philosophy of community resistance, which gives the work meaning and resilience; and cross-border women’s solidarity, which creates a strong political and social protection network.

The Authority has worked to build independent women’s institutions, including the Women’s Authority, women’s protection centers, and women’s justice houses, in addition to strengthening women’s presence in community defense and security. It has also sought to change the stereotypical image of women from victims to active partners in protecting society and decision-making. “Raising awareness of women’s rights includes all segments of society through workshops and dialogue sessions in schools, communes, councils, and universities, and by working alongside men, because women’s liberation is the liberation of society as a whole, not a struggle against men.”

She also pointed to the major challenges facing the Authority’s work, including ongoing security threats, economic crises that increase women’s vulnerability, and patriarchal customs and traditions that still hinder change. In addition, there is political and media targeting of the women’s experience in Rojava, and a prevailing authoritarian mentality that rejects the principle of co-presidency and 50% women’s participation. “Despite all these challenges, we continue working to strengthen women’s self-organization as a first line of protection, link feminist rights struggles with economic and political struggles, build alliances with regional and international women’s organizations to break political isolation, and develop long-term programs to transform culture rather than rely solely on laws.”

Achievements Are the Fruit of Women’s Sacrifices

She emphasized that the achievements made were not accidental or granted, but rather the result of women’s struggle and sacrifices in Rojava, and that protecting them is a collective responsibility. “By protecting women’s rights, we protect the future of the entire society. Women’s participation is not an option but an inevitable necessity for societal stability and justice. A strong society is measured by the extent to which it respects women’s rights and includes them in decision-making.”

The Co-Chair of the Women’s Authority in Jazira Canton, Rohat Khalil, concluded by affirming that the Women’s Authority will continue supporting women in all fields — from legal and social protection to economic and political empowerment — with a focus on building a generation of women capable of leadership and decision-making, ensuring they have a real and influential voice in the future.

The co-chair of Kobanê University, Şervan Mislim, spoke to ANF about the founding process of the university, its educational model, and the level it has reached today. He said that the university, founded in 2017 based on the academic needs that emerged after the Kobanê resistance, developed significantly in a short time. Mislim emphasized that Kobanê University not only built an educational system that responds to the needs of the region but also raised its academic level each year through relations established with international universities.

Mislim recalled that Kobanê University started education in 2017 only with the Kurdish Language and Literature, and Physics and Chemistry faculties, and added: “After the victory of the Kobanê resistance and the defeat of ISIS, there was a need for a university in Kobanê. Previously, Afrin University opened in 2015, and Rojava University in 2016. Therefore, it was considered necessary to establish a university in Kobanê to initiate academic education and ensure that students could continue their studies from first to twelfth grade. For this reason, Kobanê University was opened in 2017.”

Mislim said that they started with 32 students, and added: “The system of Kobanê University is different from other universities. We conducted research around the world, and then we built our own system. We had criteria. We opened departments according to the needs of society. We decided to open departments such as Medicine, Teaching, Electricity, Computer Science, and many others. We started with two faculties, and today dozens have been opened. We went from 32 to 1,600 students.

Our university has faculties of Kurdish Language and Literature, Arabic Language and English Literature. There are departments of Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, and Biology. There is an Education Faculty with Classroom Teaching and Preschool Teaching departments. There is a Law Faculty and a Faculty of Social Sciences which includes Sociology, Jineology, Philosophy, and History. There are Medical Sciences faculties such as Nursing, Laboratory, Emergency Medicine, and Anesthesia. There are Technical, Computer, and Electricity departments. There is also an Agriculture Faculty. Many of our 1,600 students have now graduated. After graduation, these students take positions in the Autonomous Administration institutions and begin working according to their fields. We see our students working according to their specialties in schools, hospitals, and in every institution of society.”

Working jointly with many universities

Mislim also emphasized their relations with universities worldwide: “Every year we increase our departments. Many doctors and professors across Syria now work at our university. Our university is now at the stage of establishing international relations. This shows its level of development. We have had relations with many academics and opened master’s programs. We are currently preparing to open a doctoral program in Kurdish Language and Literature. We established relations with the Silêmanî Institute. We also signed an agreement with a university in Poland; this was a very important step. It will allow our students to go to Poland and their students to come here.”

Mislim added: “We also have relations with universities in South Kurdistan and hope to sign agreements. We have also carried out joint work with universities in America, Poland, and the Philippines. This means that our educational level has risen considerably. Our work has paid off; our diplomas have become a starting point and a document of recognition. At the same time, Kobanê University will develop many academic programs in accordance with the needs of society and for the advancement of artificial intelligence.”

This story begins in Afrin.

Afrin is a painful word for those who call it home, because they haven’t been there for a long time. Since the Turkish occupation in 2018, many have been living in a camp set up near to Afrin, in Shehba, staying as close as they could. Last winter, they were again forced out by the war waged by jihadist mercenaries, who have now been incorporated into the Syrian army.  Many of the people stayed in a new camp in Tabqa. We visited them there, were invited into their tents, and heard about the hardships they face: the cold in winter, the heat in summer, but also their determination to stay together and one day return to Afrin.  This winter, with Tabqa being attacked and taken by the Syrian transitional government and their jihadist mercenary gangs, these people were violently forced to leave once again. In the far northwest of Syria, the Afrin region was liberated from the Ba’ath regime in 2012 during the Rojava Revolution. As throughout the liberated territory, the people themselves established democratic institutions of self-governance. Since then, society had organized itself into communes and councils, a community economy was established through cooperatives, and a sense of community was developed through education.

“This means that whenever a decision was made, the commune was involved, and for problem solving as well. The commune creates the organization of society; we give it the greatest importance of all institutions and councils. Everyone finds a place in the commune,” says the women that are active in the institutions of self-governed refugee camp in Tabqa. This democratic system, in which every individual participates in decision-making processes, so that these are made in the interest of the common good, represents the people’s of North and East Syria vision of a free life. This life is based on democratic and ecological values, with the necessity of women’s liberation and gender equality taking center stage.

The women continue their story of life in Afrin: “At the beginning of the Rojava Revolution in 2012/2013, Afrin lived in a self-sufficient circular economy. People fed themselves from the land that surrounded them. Every house had trees in the yard and gardens. When growing plants for sale, chemical fertilizers are used to increase profits, but there was no such thing in Afrin. When the women grew food at home, they met the needs of their households and perhaps also those of their neighbors and friends. Afrin was isolated (besieged), and we could have survived like that for another ten years. Why? Because every house had its own garden that could provide for itself. The women were instrumental in this, cultivating and watering the land. They planted flowers here and tomatoes there. A delicate rose here and beans next to it. The people of Afrin grew everything themselves. In addition, every house had sheep for yogurt, milk, and cheese. And these, too, were mostly cared for by the mothers.”

The women speak with pride about the natural circular economy and the importance of self-sufficiency in times of war and siege. The role of women and mothers in this, as the bearers of this communal life, is paramount for them. They speak of how green their homeland of Afrin is, in contrast to the arid landscape where they are now trying to rebuild their lives.

“You’d think you couldn’t plant anything [here], but we’ve planted everything”.

They don’t mean just any green, not lush grass green or dark fir green, but the gray-green of olive trees. Afrin is famous for its olive trees and oil production. The Turkish army, which violently disrupted communal life in Afrin in January 2018, called its military offensive “Operation Olive Branch.” With the newly created mercenary group “Syrian National Army” (SNA), which is intended to implement Turkish interests on the other side of the border in Syria, an offensive war against Afrin began on January 20th.

“During the Afrin War, there were suddenly warplanes in the sky above us. We had never seen anything like it in our lives. We had no experience of war,” the women recount about that day. Turkish interests were focused on defending a concept of homeland that allowed only one ethnic group, one language, one culture, and one religion to be at home. To establish this understanding, the Turkish state was built on the foundation of denying Kurdish society, language, ethnicity, and culture. The vibrant community life that developed through the Rojava Revolution on the other side of the Turkish border threatened to disprove this concept, especially since it was led by a Kurdish initiative. The women from Afrin tell how, through the shared resistance of women, ethnic divisions were overcome, as they assumed a leading role for the entire society.

The truth is, women have led life for thousands of years. But we, in the midst of it all, faced many difficulties. Whether we like it or not, in culture, religion, everywhere there are customs and traditions. The efforts and work of the women’s movement became a model and a source of strength for us. Within society, as women, to build autonomy among women, to get to know ourselves and liberate ourselves… and with this become pioneers for all women worldwide… In Afrin lived mainly Kurdish and Arab women, a few Turkmen families as well. When we talked about building up women’s communes, it felt as if the whole society was moving toward a line of correction. Society could take a deep breath… could breathe more easily. We made educations about the defense of women’s rights. Freedom is not easy… Women’s liberation means women must get to know themselves. We needed women’s communes because in them women could share their pain and suffering caused by oppressive traditions, fathers, brothers, or husbands with each other.

Two months after the start of the war of aggression, on March 18, 2018, the Turkish-backed SNA began its occupation of Afrin. They looted villages, raped, murdered, kidnapped, tortured, and committed numerous massacres of civilians. Speaking the Kurdish language became banned and persecuted, and the historically significant olive groves were burned. Thousands of people were forced to leave their home. Since Afrin had become a refuge for many fleeing previous wars, such as the ISIS attacks in Shengal, this displacement was the second in the lives of many. The people of Afrin did not give up their goal of returning home and therefore only traveled as far as necessary. Many went to Aleppo or Shehba. Shehba was also surrounded by the Turkish occupation and the totalitarian Syrian Assad regime and subjected to an economic embargo and constant attacks. The thousands of internally displaced people from Afrin did not give up and developed a vision of a free, communal life in the refugee camps.

After our arrival [in Shehba], we spent three months visiting families in tents. We went from house to house and talked about how women could support themselves, identify problems early on, and keep their children and the surrounding area clean. Because when women are well-prepared and empowered, they can provide for the whole family. Afterwards, we met in the community council. We discussed our situation, the war situation, how we had been displaced, and how we wanted to organize ourselves in the future.

In the refugee camps, self-defense was also organized. “If a stranger arrived (to the camp), someone from the self-defense committee would immediately check who it was. Now, three-quarters of the members of the self-defense committee are women. In general, the women are the ones who do the most work. Despite all the difficulties in the tents, especially for families with children, the women are resisting, organizing themselves, and defending themselves and their families.” Self-defense encompasses many roles. Some stand guard, go on patrol, and learn how to use weapons. Others “said they were needed at home, but they would inform the others if they noticed any problems.” Their aim was not only to organize daily life well in the war situation, but above all to create a future that could overcome the war.

We had set up a nursery in Shehba. Everything was ready for the children’s first day. The teachers had painted pictures on the wall. They asked, ‘Should we paint a car?’ I said, ‘Everything we paint should be from nature.’ They asked, ‘Why?’ and I said, ‘So that the children, both girls and boys, can observe nature and find peace. So that they grow up with love. When they observe nature, love will develop within them. Then they will also love their surroundings in general.’ The teachers agreed. Whoever loves nature loves everything. But we had to give up the daycare center and leave Shehba.

For seven years, the people from Afrin had lived in Shehba, continuing their self-governance in the camps and defending these values against the Turkish attacks. “When your hands plant something in the earth, you build knowledge and energy. When you are separated from that… Have you seen what they are doing to the olive trees in Afrin? They are cutting down the olive trees. Have you seen it? You cannot separate the women of Afrin from nature. People think that nothing grows in the camps. But we have planted everything. To be separated from that is like being separated from your own beauty, the love of life, of your spirit.”

When the Assad regime was overthrown in the fall of 2024, Turkey seized the opportunity and attacked the region with air and ground strikes by the SNA and the Turkish military. On December 2, 2024, the refugee camps were evacuated, and the people were forced to flee once again.

“This has an impact on people. Women are affected the most. Because they are often tied to the home, taking care of the household, raising the children. Whether everything necessary for life is available or not, whether there is work or not, whether everything is running smoothly or not… it affects them greatly. Some problems and difficulties are experienced as a result of this escape,” one of the women explains.

Another woman adds:

When we had to flee Shehba and came here, think about it, it was the middle of winter. We were in tents in the cold. But the women resisted and defended themselves in the camps, because a woman who isn’t organized and can’t defend herself, can’t live under such conditions. […] Together, the women support each other and encourage one another to defy the conditions.

Some families went to the cities and found work, others moved to other refugee camps, like the women interviewed in Tabqa, and still others moved to Aleppo. In Aleppo, they were integrated into the neighborhood communities in the self-governed districts of Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafieh and became involved in the committees. The remaining parts of Aleppo were under the control of the new Syrian Transitional Government, which was formed after the Islamist militia Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) seized power in the fall of 2024. Because of their location, the two self-governing districts played a significant role and repeatedly were the scene of conflict. The transitional government fueled divisions and incitement, especially against religious and ethnic minorities in the self-governing districts. In a negotiation process for the integration of the self-defense units of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) into the transitional government, an agreement was reached on March 10, 2025. The goal of democratization should create a Syria in which all its inhabitants can find a home together.

Point 5 of the agreement states: “Guaranteeing the return of all displaced Syrians to their cities and villages and guaranteeing their protection by the Syrian state.”

And point 7: “Rejection of calls for division, hate speech, and attempts to sow discord among the population groups of Syria.”

Aleppo played a special role in the implementation of the agreement and the decentralization of Syria. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) entrusted the security of the self-governed neighborhoods to internal security forces rooted in the community self-defense committees. In April 2025, the civilian council of the neighborhoods signed an agreement with the Syrian Transitional Government. This agreement confirmed that the two neighborhoods would remain self-governed while still being recognized as part of Aleppo, respecting the area’s social and cultural identity. The roads to the rest of Aleppo were to be opened, and responsibility for the security of the neighborhoods was to be shared.

Toward the end of the year, it became increasingly clear that the processes of democratization and decentralization in Syria would not be implemented quickly, but instead were being blocked. The resulting tensions were particularly evident in the neighborhoods of Aleppo. In December, government forces blocked access roads to the neighborhoods, hindering the delivery of supplies. This was followed by military clashes between the government and internal security forces following attacks on public demonstrations. On January 6, 2026, mercenary militias loyal to the Syrian transitional government and Turkey launched a targeted attack on civilians and infrastructure using heavy weapons. They murdered and destroyed using inhumane methods. Many people left their neighborhoods, venturing once again into the unknown. Others heeded the call of the municipalities and councils and decided to remain in their neighborhoods and resist. The self-governing administration’s internal security forces defended the neighborhoods and resisted for days, whilst jihadist groups shows their complete distortion of life, capturing civilians, mutilating and desecrating the bodies of the murdered. Women, in particular, experienced violence at the hands of the attackers’ fascist jihadist mentality. This war in Syria is taking homeland in all its material sense of life, and additionally attacking a way of defining home as something alive, something that can lead a way to peace for the whole world. The people in Rojava despite the tears in their eyes, despite the pain that every war brings, know for certain: only a life of resistance can bring peace to their home. Even after eight years of occupation of Afrin, the people are still determined to return. “Everyone says the militias have taken over Afrin, cut down the trees, killed, occupied, and destroyed everything. But we want to return to our land. We will make Afrin green again, just like it was before. We women have this belief.”

One of the women concludes the conversation, and another adds:

I say, when I return to Afrin, I will go to the top of a mountain, build a mud house, and live there. We will be self-sufficient and not abandon this culture ever again. We will return to our culture, our way of life, so that we can easily put the years we had to leave Afrin behind us.

Some months ago we had the opportunity to meet and talk with the friends of the “Zenobia Women’s Gathering”. We talked about their struggles, how women become strong and the meaning of organizing as women in unity in women’s communes. We want the voices of the women of Zenobia to continually be part in our common struggle, especially as they are being silenced right now. We want their will and struggles to be known and heard, as there values and goals are being heavily attacked. We stand with the women, that are being murdered and attacked right now, and by making their words known, we want to articulate that our common struggle continues, as long as all women in the world are not stopped anymore from growing and can overcome the walls that condemns them from living their truth. Zenobia was founded in 2021 and named after the warrior queen of the Palmyra Empire, Zenobia. In Manbij, Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa women’s centers were built up and started their work to solve all social problems that are imprisoning women, such as domestic violence, underage marriage, polygamy, murder, divorce and inheritance. Arab, Circassian, Turkmen and Kurdish women organized together and built unity through their struggle against the mentality of male domination. The years of ISIS occupation left deep traces in the geography of this land, and in the mentality of society. Facing them as women means that the struggle for freedom includes many battles. In order to oppose the rules and traditions, the first step is to strengthen one’s will and to get to know oneself, which brings the taste freedom to women.

Interview taken on the 20th November 2025 in Raqqa. It is a translated version from Arabic into English.

What are you working for in Zenobia?

Noora: We are working here in Zenobia to improve [the situation of] women and to empower women in all the fields of life – in politics, economics – in every way. We are working to break the barriers inside, for every woman to know her truth and to make sure that she can be strong to take her gains. These days women are suffering from old traditions. From a lot of things. First of all, the violence, like sexual and physical. Also, women are forced to adopt thoughts that they don’t want, but that she must adopt these thoughts, because the men authority is forcing her to. Here, it is our job: to make every woman stronger, to be successful, stronger, so that she can have a better life than before. That’s it.

In what ways can women become stronger?

Noora: There are many ways. First of all, we visit women in their homes and give lectures to raise their consciousness about what they want and the rights they have. Every women needs to ask for her rights. You have the right to live. You have the right to learn. You have the right to do a lot of things. But in the right way. So we are making women conscious, so they know what they want for the future and so they can break the barriers inside their own hearts. You know, many women are afraid to ask for their rights because of the society. So, we are making them stronger. So, they can ask for their rights.

Leila: I want to add some more things we do to make women more conscious. First of all, the visits.We [also] have a project for giving lectures in Academies. We have Academies for women with a lot of programs. Some of them are closed. Closed means women come to the academy and stay there for one or two month, but without going home. And some of the programs are opened. That means that the program begins at 9.00 in the morning and goes until 3.00 in the afternoon. We do this because many women can’t [join the closed programs], because of their families and circumstances. Many families would never let their daughters go and sleep outside of their home. We want all women to be able to come to the Academy and take part in the lectures, to get to know themselves more, to be empowered and strengthened and to improve their social life and to improve their strength. All of this, from the academies and the lectures.

Can you tell about the changes in the women’s personality from the beginning to the end of the academies?

Noora: When coming to the Academy many women have a lot of difficulties. As we said before – the society, her brother, her father, men authority makes life hard for them. Women can not study, can not learn – but when they come to the academies, it is like entering a new world. She becomes stronger and it is like a shining on the women’s life, as she was living in darkness all of these years. In the academies, we support the women to get to know herself, her real self. That means they discover things in themselves they didn’t know they had, like abilities, preferences, hobbies. After the academy the women are more talented, more strong, more powerful and more confident in themselves. […] We keep supporting the women even after the academy. Because a lot of women are not confident in themselves, they cannot face the oppression on them. But when they are more strong [this changes]. And it’s a great thing that, these days, we find a lot of women going through the academies, they become teachers, they become leaders, like our friends here, we became leaders. [for the works of Zenobia.] So it’s like this for now, but we want to be able to make and give more. Not only for women here, but in all of Syria and all over the world.

How do the women come together and support each other in becoming stronger in your academies?

Noora: It’s about the spirit of friendship. All the women, when they come together as different personalities and from different environments, they become friends. They gain from each other with the touch between them. Even the teachers interact with each other as friends. As friends we do everything together and support each other in every way. It’s also possible to gain from each other’s personalities, like someone is very quiet and someone else very hard and often angry. By time, this angry person becomes more calm and the quiet person becomes more confident. They gain from each other. At the end of the academies the women cry when they separate from each other. They found each other in a group among friends, like families. They keep in touch with each other because they feel that they have a family, that they have support. They have someone that makes them more strong and more powerful. That’s it, the friendship spirit is the most important.

To continue this spirit of friendship: The system of self-governing in North-/East Syria is based on communes, as the smallest entities for society. When you hear the words “women’s commune”, what comes to your minds first?

Asma: Our system of communes has two parts: a general one and an autonomous one, for women only. The communes connect all the councils and committees. As women, we are the only ones that can understand other women. That’s why [it is important] to have autonomous communes for women only. The job [of the women’s commune] becomes protecting women. That means to know every woman in the neighborhood and ask for her circumstances, to know if she is under violence or anything that is hurting her. And to let her know that she can give her voice to the commune and councils and be heard. We have autonomous self-defense committees and health communes. [These topics are also connected:] Self defense is to protect women’s health. We are working on this project these days. We hope in the future [this system of communes] will be more in all of our community. We hope that even in all of Syria, there will be communes for women, specifically for women, to improve women’s life all around Syria. Because women in Syria are under a lot of violence, a lot of exclusion from politics in every way. They are excluding women from politics, from working, from economics, from everything. Women do not take part and are suffering. We hope that we can reach all those women and support them by building communes. We hope by the beginning of the year, in 2026, to start a [phase of strengthening and empowering the communes]. It will need some time, but we are working on it. Communes for women are so important. […] A lot of women are living in villages. The job of the women’s commune is to also reach those women.

What are the biggest challenges with building up these women’s communes?

Leila: The biggest challenge is the traditional culture of this area and above this, after ISIS came – it’s mentality, which is spread among men. Men can’t accept that women form a commune or can become powerful. Or that women can do a man’s job – it’s not accepted for them. So it’s hard, we need to change men’s minds, to convince them that women can be in these positions of power. This is the biggest challenge and we can’t say it’s easy. But we can [change], always. Even after ISIS and all of this mentality – and it’s such a hard mentality – we can [change]. We are working hard for this. We hope that we can change. Also the women’s mind are touched by this. These thoughts of ISIS are so horrible, so we hope to change.

How do women overcome/address the mentality built up by ISIS?

Leila: It’s one of the biggest challenges. But as we said before, about the difference in women before and after an academy. When women are more powerful and more confident with their thoughts and themselves, they will not fear anything, even not the mentality of ISIS. Most of them [the women after the Zenobia academies] are now in positions of power, in institutes, on committees, positions of power, powerful positions and political positions. They start as a communal person, as women in the communes. And they can get women, they will get any woman, because they are not fearing anymore. Her thoughts change. This fear is always and was always inside the woman, not outside of her. You know, women are the enemy of themselves, because they don’t know what they want and don’t know their rights. Or if she got rights, or if she can do anything. She didn’t know all of this. She was like, living in the darkness for all of these years. [After the academies] she knows now that she’s powerful. She knows her rights, she know her gains, and she can protect even her gains. She got [this] from knowledge, from strength. She can protect herself and her gains. That’s what she does now. And then she tries to spread throughout all of the women to try to make more women like her. After becoming knowledgeable and strong, a woman begins to compare between her life and the mentality of ISIS. They will find the difference and reflect how she can actually live when there are rights. That brings woman to take a decision, to be strong and support more women to get rid of these thoughts and mentalities of ISIS that still live on. That’s why we as Zenobia even work with the women in ISIS camps to change women’s mentalities, to help them to get to know themselves and to compare their lives before and now. What the mentality of ISIS gives to women and how democratic thoughts give them their rights, their gains. In the mentality of ISIS, women don’t have a personality and are nothing for real. This mentality, becomes real when it is implemented. To change this is a difficult task. […] You can’t wait for someone to set you free. You must set yourself free.

What role are women playing in building up Raqqa today?

Leila: These days more and more women here in Raqqa work in a lot of positions. Women are building up Raqqa again – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. One of our mayors, Leyla Mustefa, was the representative of the council of Raqqa. She was one of the nine mayors in the world – cleaning up Raqqa from what happened, after ISIS. You know the destroyed buildings and all of this. In every institute there is an office for women now, especially for women, to protect them within work. Women here are the biggest part that helps to build Raqqa, so it becomes more beautiful every day. These days, Raqqa became such a beautiful city. It wasn’t like this before because, you know, it was 90% destroyed. That’s the role of woman. Women worked a lot here. More than men. They worked a lot. That’s what they do here.

You talked about the women in the villages. How do you see the relationship between women and nature?

Leila: There’s something common between women and nature. Women were working on the fields, we’re daughters of nature. Women are making everything for themselves. You know, there were always more women working on the fields than men. So that’s why nature is so mixed with the women’s mentality. […] Women’s roots are between fields and trees. Every woman has roots like a tree, and they are strong roots. But we hope they become stronger and stronger with time. Women who live in the villages are stronger. That’s why you find a lot of differences between women in villages and women in cities, because of their relationship with nature. It makes them stronger. You see their bodies, their hair, their skin. Everything is different. Even their minds are. So they have strong personalities because of the nature and clean air. They don’t eat something like food in cans. Her mind is cleaner because of the nature, because of the clean air. In the cities we all are living a fast life, everything is fast. They are on the fields with the calves and everything – they do everything that men do, not like in the city. Here, the authority of men is stronger, you know, because they think women can’t be powerful. They think women are not strong. If they want a lawyer, they don’t want a woman as a lawyer. They want a man. She can’t defend me because she’s a woman… But, you know, a lot of successful lawyers were women.

Earlier you spoke about self-defense. What does this involve? I mean, I guess I would say I can’t defend myself just by myself, I need a commune. I myself am also on a big search, because I realized I’ve had very little self-defense throughout my life. This is one reason why I wanted to come to this revolution here in Syria.

Leila: For self-defense, first of all, women must know their rights. You as a woman, you should know your rights and break the barriers inside your heart. Do not be afraid. Don’t be afraid to know. Women are afraid to ask for their rights and this fear kills their voice. We need to set them free from the barriers inside of themselves. These are not walls within the society or like walls in a room. It’s inside the woman. So we need to help women to break the barriers inside of her heart, to know how to get out of there. Then, she must refuse to be under violence, to say no. Women think that they can’t say no. The first thing is, you can say no. Maybe it’s not easy always, but it’s easy when you know that you have to be strong and you know what you want. So first of all, you can say no. You can say no. Then we said, do not be afraid. In our academies there are lessons about self-defense. It’s necessary to learn both physically and mentally, because some of the violence is not by hands, but by words or thoughts. Forcing your own thoughts on someone is violence. Forcing a woman to stay at home, to not leave the house – it’s violence. Then there is also sexual violence. So as I said, at first you have to decide to say no, to not accept this anymore.

Earlier, you said that it’s, not just important to support women here, but in the whole of Syria and the whole world. Why is it important for you to support a woman on the other side of the world?

Asma: Well, because they are also women. We are women for each other. If she is in Darfur, in Africa, in Pakistan. You know, also in Pakistan, women are being sold. They are selling girls underage, to be a slave, to make a woman from her childhood as a slave. In Iran women are also suffering from Islamic thoughts. We are not looking from only our point-of-view in Rojava or Syria. We are looking for all woman in the world. Everywhere women are suffering, even in Europe. As a women’s gathering, we can be the biggest gathering in the world by joining all of the women in all of the world. And we are seeking that. Here, there are women in the military, as warriors. And, you know, women can be warriors all around the world. Women should not just be slaves for the authorities.

I also have a question regarding the women’s communality: How do you manage to bring women from different religions, ethnicity and cultures together?

Leila and Noora: You asked how the relationships are, how we gather all the women – Assyrian, Syriac, Arabic. They are all gathering because of the mentality. We, as women, all have the same goal. We are as women. We are not looking at you as, “you are Kurdish” or Arabic or whatever. […] Its the spirit of friendship, as I said before. We are working as a team, not as individuals, because we have the same goals, the same mentality. That’s what brings us together. It’s easy to understand each other, because we share a mentality. Also between us and you, we have the same goals, the same thoughts about women. We all want to struggle for women, that’s why. We don’t deal with it like, you know… We deal with you as a woman first and a human second. You are a woman and human. We don’t look for your race or your religion, or anything else. The point where we’re all together is that we are all women and want to struggle for women. You are from Britain, from Germany, and we come together as women for women.

Can the unity between women help to overcome separations in the whole of society like this?

Asma: That’s true, that’s true. We did not have a lot of separations before ISIS came and brought its mentality. I always drink my coffee in the morning with my neighbor. I don’t think about the fact that she’s Kurdish and I am Arabic. She comes to my home, I visit her, and we go out together. Before ISIS, kids were playing together, it was a normal life. ISIS raised these thoughts on people’s minds: “This is not Muslim. This is Muslim. This is Kurdish. This is Arabic.” Before ISIS there were not those thoughts. And now, with the Autonomous-Administration – we exclude all of these thoughts. We destroy all of these mentalities. We are all here, we are all humans, we have the same rights, we are all equal. You have rights as a human, first of all. Then as a woman, you have the right to be strong, the right to learn, the right to work, the right to say no and to say your opinion. They think that we are washing [women’s] hands, their minds somehow. It’s the opposite. They are washing their minds and making women think that her place is only in the kitchen. You can’t do all of this. That’s it. That’s a challenge for all the woman’s not only in Syria, but all over the world.

The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) has established a new special unit to protect the environment. The Environmental Protection Forces were created by the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) in close coordination with the Regional Environmental Agency. The aim is to systematically protect nature and curb environmental crimes in the region.

The new structure was established in line with the decisions made at the annual meeting of the Environment Committee of North and East Syria on December 15. The official presentation of the new structure took place on Monday at the Environmental Agency building in the canton of Raqqa. Representatives of the new unit, delegates from regional environmental assemblies, and the co-chairs of the Environmental Agency attended the event.

In his speech, Ibrahim el-Esed, co-chair of the Environmental Agency, emphasized the importance of consistent environmental monitoring. He said that the past few years had left a significant mark on the environment in Syria as a whole, and in northern and eastern Syria in particular. The region faces a multitude of environmental challenges that require active action, he added.

Jasim al-Dhaif, a senior representative of the new unit, explained that the environmental protection forces are not only responsible for enforcing environmental regulations, but also take preventive and educational measures. The unit is being set up on the basis of clearly defined ecological criteria established by the Environmental Agency.

The new structure is to be present in all cities and cantons in northern and eastern Syria in the future. Its tasks include combating poaching, preventing illegal logging, and protecting soil, air, and water. Patrols and checks are to be carried out in cooperation with the Environmental Agency in protected areas, forests, and along rivers.

Al-Dhaif pointed out that the unit would be adequately staffed and would be strengthened and expanded from 2026 onwards through a strategic development program. A particular focus will also be placed on preparing for natural disasters. In future, the unit will also be able to respond to emergencies such as floods or forest fires around the clock.

With the establishment of Environmental Protection Forces, the Autonomous Administration aims to establish environmental protection as an integral part of social security. Cooperation with local institutions will help to ensure a healthy and sustainable environment throughout northern and eastern Syria in the long term.

Tell Tamr – Since the dawn of history, women have played pioneering and influential roles in communal societies, contributing strongly to collective life. They formed the vanguard of society and laid the foundations for its progress, leaving a lasting impact on the course of humanity.

Despite thirteen years of the Syrian crisis, the issue of women’s freedom remains a fundamental challenge. Societal democracy is closely linked to women’s freedom, making it essential to understand and correctly implement this principle, as it underpins the continuity and development of democratic experience.

Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering began establishing women’s communes across the regions of North and East Syria. This initiative aims to strengthen women’s roles and organize them within a community framework that reinforces values of participation and democracy.

Each women’s commune consists of 11 women, three of whom handle administrative tasks, with one serving as the co-chair of the general commune. Specialized committees are formed based on need, including the Economic Committee, Health Committee, Women’s Protection Committee, Cooperatives Committee, Justice Committee, Environment Committee, Golden Crescent Committee, and Finance Committee.

All resources of the women’s communes are dedicated to serving women, with 30% of the general commune’s budget allocated to the women’s association. Kongra Star and the Yazidi Women’s Gathering continuously monitor the work of these communes, and the communes report monthly on their activities and achievements.

Establishing Women’s Communes Began in Jabal Kizwan

In Tell Tamr, part of the Jazira region, Kongra Star initiated the establishment of women’s communes, beginning in Jabal Kizwan as the starting point of an organizational path aimed at strengthening women’s roles and expanding their participation in social life.

Jabal Kizwan was chosen because the area still faces challenges related to women’s freedom and the need to instill a correct understanding of democracy, alongside promoting equality between men and women. The region also continues to struggle against violence targeting women, making it a natural starting point for the creation of women’s communes.

To better analyze problems and develop suitable solutions, an independent women’s organization is required in each village and neighborhood, ensuring effective responses to challenges and enabling women to participate in decision-making.

Reviving the Commune System and Redefining Gender Roles

Nihad Shendi, an administrative official at Kongra Star, stated that the Rojava Revolution revived the commune system. Through the principle of co-chairing by women and men, a radical shift in societal mindset is being achieved:
“The co-chair system represents a new step in redefining the roles of women and men in contemporary society, after their roles were marginalized and excluded.”

Shendi emphasized that the communes have moved beyond traditional dependency and service roles. They are now structured so that each individual is responsible for their role within society. “In this way, the democratic system can evolve to grant everyone the right to expression and participation, enhance individual independence and freedom, and make them active members of a democratic nation.”

She stressed the importance of men and women jointly making decisions and determining solutions to community and family issues within the commune. “Decisions should not be made individually by one co-chair and imposed ineffectively on others,” she noted, emphasizing that women reject mindsets that marginalize or exclude their role.

After establishing general communes, the need for women’s communes became clear. These communes, alongside general ones and without discrimination among women or communities in the region, strengthen the struggle against various forms of dominance, tyranny, and occupation, and address attempts to fragment society.

Women in villages and neighborhoods face greater and more intense challenges, necessitating direct outreach and raising awareness about the importance of democratic family structures and protection. “Hence the need to establish women’s communes as an organized framework to ensure women’s active participation and enhance their role in confronting difficulties.”

Communes as a Fruit of the Women’s Revolution

Shendi confirmed that women’s communes provide women with a broader space to exercise their rights in education, health, economy, environment, and arts. “They enable a deeper understanding of justice principles and laws that guarantee their rights, contributing to legal awareness and strengthening their societal position.”

She added that the establishment of women’s communes represents a significant achievement of the women’s movement over fourteen years of struggle. “Although this step came late due to years of ISIS attacks and Turkish occupation, which continue today, the struggle continues with greater momentum through ongoing building and development efforts.

Aleppo – The Women’s Economy Committee in the neighborhoods of al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud in the city of Aleppo has expanded its economic projects and established service and productive initiatives to accelerate the effective integration of women into economic activity.

The negative impacts of the siege imposed on the neighborhoods of Sheikh Maqsoud and al-Ashrafiya by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham are directly reflected on families. This siege, which has continued for nearly three months, has caused severe shortages of essential materials such as diesel fuel and flour, disrupting the operation of bakeries amid a deteriorating electricity situation.

Residents of both neighborhoods are deprived of their right to heating fuel despite extremely low temperatures, especially during the early morning hours. Children, women, the elderly, and the sick suffer from the severe cold, which increases the spread of illnesses amid declining health services due to shortages of medical supplies and treatments.

The Largest Share of Profits Goes to the Women Workers

Yasmin Najjar, a member of the Women’s Economy Committee in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud, told our agency that their projects have been harmed by the imposed siege:
“Checkpoints of the interim government prevent the entry of commercial goods needed for the committee’s shops, in addition to the shortage of agricultural supplies, which damages the committee’s agricultural project and obstructs the normal course of life.”

The work of the committee, which aims to achieve economic self-sufficiency for women and support their ability to work, has been affected. The committee seeks to empower women so they can develop strong, independent personalities and play an active role and have a respected position and voice in society.

The working system, as explained, is based on valuing the efforts of women workers by allocating the largest share of project profits to them, while the committee takes only 25% of the profits.

Yasmin Najjar explained that all those managing the projects are women. From this standpoint, the committee strives to establish projects even if they are small, as what matters most is that women benefit and develop:
“Women are capable of managing the household and raising children, and they also possess strong management and organizational skills.”

With the onset of winter, students in al-Ashrafiya and Sheikh Maqsoud are suffering from severe cold and falling ill due to the lack of heating fuel in classrooms.

Therefore, the women of the two neighborhoods are raising their voices to express their rejection of the practices of the interim government against residents, calling for an end to this targeting.

Projects of the Women’s Economy Committee

Yasmin Najjar stated that the committee’s latest project involved planting a garlic crop, but due to the siege and the shortage of necessary agricultural supplies, the project failed.

Previously, the committee invested in an agricultural land project located in the al-Shaqeef area, managed by a woman and her husband, including irrigation, supplies, and all farming requirements, while the committee supervised the project. Additionally, the committee recently opened a small shop in al-Ashrafiya, managed by a mother of a child. However, after the siege was imposed by the interim government, the shop was severely affected, as the woman was unable to bring in goods, causing financial losses for both her and the committee.

At the end of her statement, Yasmin Najjar called for lifting the siege imposed on the two neighborhoods, stressing that the attacks and violations carried out by militants of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham primarily target the people’s achievements.

In Deir ez-Zor Governorate in eastern Syria—an area that witnessed some of the fiercest battles and widespread displacement—many women recount stories of resilience and the pursuit of stability.

Hasna al-Salem, a resident of Deir ez-Zor, told North Press that she lost her husband and one of her sons during the shelling. “I decided to flee with my remaining children to a safer area within the city,” she said. “The conditions were extremely difficult, and my greatest concern was protecting my children and meeting their basic needs despite the lack of resources.”

Over time, Hasna found work to be her pathway forward. “I began sewing clothes at home, which is my old profession. I launched a small project and, although I face daily challenges, my determination keeps me going.”

She added, “We do not want to remain victims. We want to be agents of change. Many women have become breadwinners or community activists. What we need is financial and moral support—and real empowerment in decision-making spaces.”

Azraa al-Ahmad, a young woman from Deir ez-Zor, shared her experience pursuing education and work amid the war. “I was fifteen when the crisis began, and I had to stop studying because of displacement and the destruction of schools. Later, I enrolled in educational courses, earned my basic education certificate, and continued my studies in nursing.”

“I now work in a local hospital and take part in training programs,” she said. “I believe rebuilding Syria is impossible without the participation of women. They are among the most committed to community recovery.”

Meanwhile, a woman who introduced herself as Umm Hussein, a member of the Women’s Committee of the Civil Administration in Deir ez-Zor—affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES)—spoke about institutional efforts to support women in the post-war phase.

“In the committee, we develop programs aimed at empowering women across various fields and addressing the violations they faced during the conflict,” she said. “We confront major challenges, especially traditional attitudes toward women and the dire economic situation.”

She explained that the committee implements vocational and craft-training programs to strengthen women’s economic independence, while also enhancing their legal, psychological, and social awareness in cooperation with local and international organizations.

Despite the difficulties, these experiences highlight the central role women in Deir ez-Zor now play in community recovery. After years of devastating conflict, they are no longer passive recipients of suffering but active contributors to rebuilding their lives and supporting the social fabric.

As Hasna al-Salem concluded, “The war took so much from us, but we are still here, trying to build a new life from beneath the rubble.”

Deir ez-Zor Governorate, in eastern Syria, was among the areas most severely affected by the conflict, witnessing intense battles, the rise and fall of ISIS control, widespread destruction, and mass displacement. The prolonged instability left deep social and economic scars, with basic services, education, and livelihoods heavily disrupted.

Women, in particular, faced compounding challenges—loss of family members, displacement, restricted access to education and work, and exposure to various forms of violence and discrimination. Yet they have increasingly stepped into new roles, becoming heads of households, community organizers, and participants in local governance structures, including those affiliated with the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).

Over recent years, humanitarian organizations and local bodies have launched programs aimed at economic empowerment, vocational training, psychosocial support, and legal awareness for women. These efforts seek to rebuild community resilience, promote gender equality, and strengthen women’s participation in decision-making following years of conflict.

Today, women in Deir ez-Zor represent a crucial force in the region’s recovery, demonstrating that post-war reconstruction is not only about rebuilding infrastructure but also about restoring social cohesion and empowering those who sustained the greatest burdens of violence.

Amed — Amid increasing challenges faced by women in urban spaces, the “Women’s Cities” project emerges as a strategic initiative aiming to reshape cities based on women’s needs and strengthen their presence in public life.

The “Towards Women’s Cities” conference, organized by the Municipality of Amed (Diyarbakır) on Saturday, November 8, addressed ways to transform cities into more inclusive spaces for women by discussing issues of urban governance, economy, public space, and collective memory.

The conference featured prominent figures, including the co-chair of the DBP party, representatives from the Free Women’s Movement, the Mothers of Peace Association, alongside civil society organizations and women from various fields.

“Women’s memory is a tool for peace, and male-dominated cities do not embrace everyone.”

Participating women discussed ways to enhance women’s freedom in urban spaces, raising fundamental questions: What does freedom mean for women in the city? What structural obstacles hinder their lives? They also explored spaces that can regain meaning through women’s memory and symbolic steps to achieve peace and societal reform by invoking women’s collective memory

The Co-Chair of Sur Municipality in Amed, Fatma Gulan Öngel, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project is a priority for their party, based on its political and social vision. She noted that the appointment of trustees over municipalities in 2016, 2019, and 2024 directly targeted women’s gains and the broader social culture. While municipalities had been paralyzed under state trusteeship, with the administration now transferred to the DEM Party, efforts resumed to build cities that consider women’s needs and empower them in public spaces.

She explained that cities built with a male-dominated mindset reflect a vision that marginalizes community specificities and lacks social justice. “Sur Municipality continues to monitor how cities accommodate all community groups, especially women, in free and inclusive spaces,” she said, adding, “These observations laid the foundation for our project, aiming to reshape cities based on women’s memory and needs, freeing them from male dominance in urban planning.”

Fatma Gulan Öngel highlighted that DEM-affiliated municipalities have intensified their efforts to be a voice for women and address their issues: “The co-chair system, based on equal representation, has extended its impact across multiple areas, and the ‘Women’s Cities’ project is one of its most prominent manifestations.” She added that the project aims to strengthen women’s presence as key actors in urban life and establish their role as central to change by building cities that respond to their needs and visibly highlight their presence in public spaces.

She stressed the importance of the “Peace and Democratic Society” initiative launched by Abdullah Öcalan on February 27, noting, “Success in this path requires a foundation of honesty and transparency.” She emphasized the need to remove trustees imposed on municipalities, legally recognize the co-chair system, and ensure equal access to resources, noting that a key condition for democratic construction is returning elected officials to their positions. She further pointed out that women in decision-making positions face systematic targeting, calling for an end to this practice and to attacks on women’s struggle in general.

Fatma Gulan Öngel clarified that the co-chair system faces direct attacks from trustees and represents the principle of “gender freedom”, aiming to end all forms of slavery affecting both men and women.

She affirmed that violence against women is inseparable from state violence, pointing out that this form of violence permeates all levels of life—from family to neighborhood to personal relationships. She noted that three women in the Sur area were threatened with murder on the evening of November 1 by several individuals who said, “We don’t want you in this neighborhood.” She added, “Although Sur is a historic city that embraced multiple civilizations and identities and was built on coexistence principles, what we witness today is a rise in social polarization and the return of rhetoric rejecting women’s presence in public spaces, whether in politics or on the streets, reflecting a deep societal crisis.”

Gulan Öngel concluded by affirming that local municipalities will not allow policies that marginalize women to continue, stressing the importance of direct communication with women and working to empower them. She noted that since 2015, many women were forced into isolation in their homes under a male-dominated mindset that sought to limit their spaces. “Through the ‘Women’s Cities’ project, we reaffirm our commitment to building a life in which women are active and essential, and we carry out this struggle for a more just and inclusive urban space.

Women are not alone, and solidarity is the way

On her part, the co-chair of Rîzan Municipality, Leyla Ayaz, emphasized that the “Women’s Cities” project holds great potential to bring about radical change in the structure of cities. She noted that the appointment of trustees was merely a step to marginalize women and leave them unprotected, leading to a noticeable increase in violence against them. DEM-affiliated municipalities aim through their programs to preserve women’s memory and history from being forgotten, stressing that addressing gender-based violence is a collective responsibility requiring the combined efforts of the entire community.

She highlighted that they will observe the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women by intensifying women’s struggle and strengthening solidarity among women: “We organize regular meetings in neighborhoods, meet with women, and assure them that they are not alone. Women’s centers and anti-violence networks in this city have proven that support is available and that women can face challenges together.”

She added, “As November 25 approaches, we send a clear message to every woman: ‘You are not alone.’ It is important to know the available mechanisms and not to ignore when another woman experiences violence. We are responsible for protecting each other and for noticing what is happening around us. I call on all women to be present in public spaces and contribute to raising women’s awareness, because change begins with participation.

The Democratic Autonomous Administration, through its specialized institutions, works to enhance agricultural support in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria by implementing integrated projects for seeds, fuel, energy, and water, in addition to developing livestock resources and public bakeries to ensure production sustainability and food security.

In recent years, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has witnessed broad administrative and economic transformations, the most prominent of which was the Executive Council’s decision in October 2024 to merge the Agriculture Directorate with the Economic Directorate. This decision came within the framework of strengthening administrative structures and unifying efforts between the two institutions whose work and areas of specialization closely intersect.

This merger represented an important step toward enhancing institutional performance and increasing the efficiency of planning and implementation across the region, given the strong interconnection between agricultural activity and the broader economic pathway, which relies heavily on plant and animal production and the services connected to them. The merger was not merely a formal administrative adjustment, but rather the outcome of extensive studies conducted by specialized committees that monitored the challenges facing both sectors, such as rising production costs, fragmented authority, duplication of administrative tasks, and disparities in resources between different cantons.

All of this prompted the relevant bodies to adopt a new institutional model that brings together agricultural and economic expertise under one umbrella, ensuring a stronger capacity to design comprehensive and integrated policies that cover agricultural production, economic planning, market oversight, and resource management.

In this context, the Co-Chair of the Agriculture Authority, Sabrin Al-Abdullah, affirmed that the 2024 merger of the Economy and Agriculture Authorities—implemented under the decision of the Executive Council—represented a pivotal turning point in the course of the Autonomous Administration. It was not merely a simple administrative adjustment, but rather a carefully planned strategic step aimed at rebuilding the administrative structure on new foundations that are more coherent, effective, and capable of achieving integration among the institutions and bodies operating across all cantons.

She explained that the merger was the result of extensive and in-depth discussions that lasted for several months, involving economic experts, agricultural engineers, and planning specialists. All participants concluded that unifying the efforts of the two authorities—whose mandates are closely related—was essential to creating a unified administrative framework capable of addressing the economic and agricultural challenges the region has faced in recent years. These challenges include declining resources, rising production costs, unstable climatic conditions, and the limited means available to farmers.

Enhancing the Unified Authority’s Capacity for Planning and Oversight

Sabrin Al-Abdullah stated that the merger paved the way for significant improvements in how annual plans are developed and how agricultural and economic projects are implemented. The unified authority now possesses a broader database, a more comprehensive understanding of the agricultural and economic landscape, and a more accurate ability to assess needs and identify priorities. The merger also reduced the time consumed by administrative procedures, minimized duplication of responsibilities, and improved response speed to the needs of residents and farmers across all cantons.

According to Abdullah, the Jazira Canton, being the region’s primary agricultural center, is “one of the biggest beneficiaries of this step. For the first time, integrated agricultural and economic plans were adopted, linking crop production with market growth, storage needs, and marketing requirements. This has increased harmony between administrations, enhanced efficiency in project follow-up, and strengthened communication channels between all agricultural and service centers.”

“Improving the Work Environment and Strengthening the Co-Chair System”

Regarding the co-chair system, she stated that it “has proven effective in fostering cooperation between men and women within the authority. Decision-making is now based on dialogue, partnership, and joint evaluation, which has positively impacted the work environment. Having qualified male and female staff within a unified authority has facilitated the exchange of expertise, improved mutual understanding, and increased the involvement of young professionals in decision-making positions. This new administrative approach has not only strengthened women’s presence in leadership roles but also enhanced coordination between administrative and technical departments, enabling more precise resource allocation and reinforcing principles of fairness and balance within the authority.”

Higher Levels of Coordination

Al-Abdullah also spoke about her previous experience supervising agricultural departments before the merger, emphasizing that this background helped strengthen the performance of the unified authority—particularly since agriculture is a broad and complex sector that includes crop production, livestock development, water resources, and service projects. She noted that one of her main goals after the merger was to organize the workflow within the authority, activate communication channels between offices, and integrate and train new staff to build a cohesive administrative system that operates as a single team. Improvements in irrigation management, agricultural oversight, price monitoring, and coordination of seasonal projects were among the most notable outcomes of the merger, as all data and indicators are now managed under a single authority, reducing task overlap and improving the speed and quality of implementation.

“Practical Measures to Support Farmers and Reduce Production Costs”

Regarding direct support to farmers, Al-Abdullah explained that “the Agriculture Authority has ensured the provision of sterilized, bagged, ready-to-plant seeds that meet precise scientific standards, offered at calculated prices of $350 in cash and $400 on credit per ton, to help farmers begin their planting season without bearing excessive costs.” She noted that this support followed economic studies aimed at determining prices that consider farmers’ circumstances while ensuring continuous availability of seeds in the market. She added that efforts are currently underway to expand support programs to include improved fertilizers, pesticides, and agricultural machinery through specialized service centers, in addition to developing training plans to introduce farmers to modern techniques in irrigation and production—given the importance of improving farming methods and reducing water resource waste.

“A Comprehensive Vision for Food Security and Economic Sustainability”

The Co-Chair of the Agriculture Authority concluded by emphasizing that the unified authority now possesses a long-term vision aimed at achieving stable food security in North and East Syria by increasing local production, developing agricultural and food industries, regulating markets, and strengthening partnerships between various institutions. “The coming years will witness the launch of major agricultural projects, rural development programs, and plans to rehabilitate irrigation networks—steps that will enhance self-reliance and reduce the impact of external market fluctuations, climate instability, and limited resources available to farmers

Over recent years, the regions of North and East Syria have witnessed significant social and political changes, most notably the growing role of women in municipal and service work. This shift is part of a democratic, emancipatory project aimed at building a pluralistic society rooted in equality and social justice under a system of direct democracy.

The municipal experience in North and East Syria began in Qamishlo, in Jazira Canton, where the first municipality, under the name “The People’s Municipality,” was established on December 10, 2012, marking a new phase in managing and providing local services.

In 2015, the Municipalities Law was officially approved, mandating the application of the co-chair system—shared equally between men and women—in all municipalities. This marked a pivotal step toward ensuring women’s active participation in managing local institutions and shaping public decision-making.

In this context, spokesperson for the Women’s Council in the Union of Municipalities of North and East Syria, Fatima Ibrahim, spoke to ANHA Agency about the pioneering journey of women in municipal work from 2015 to 2025. She highlighted the major transformations that followed the first Women’s Municipalities Conference in 2016, which constituted a turning point in establishing a women-specific system within municipal institutions.

From organizational beginnings to building women’s system

Fatima Ibrahim said: “Women began their first steps through service committees within communes. Over time, their participation expanded to include all departments of the municipalities—from services to administration. This was the first step toward breaking traditional barriers and proving their ability to perform tasks with high efficiency.”

She added that the first Municipal Women’s Conference in 2016 served as a key turning point, where the initial foundations were laid for building a dedicated women’s system inside municipal institutions, paving the way for broader participation in management and decision-making.

“Since then, women’s work in municipalities has developed significantly,” she continued. “Women now participate actively in all service and administrative committees, reaching leadership positions. With each passing year, women have become a strong and influential force within municipal work.”

In 2025, the second Women’s Municipal Work Conference was held in Hasakah, producing several notable outcomes—most importantly, the approval of the internal regulations for the Women’s Council in Municipalities. This step was essential in unifying women’s work across the different regions and strengthening their role within the municipal structure.

Structure of women’s work within municipal internal system

Women’s work is organized under a comprehensive structure within the new internal system of the Union of Municipalities in North and East Syria. The system connects the Women’s Office and the Women’s Council.

A Women’s Office is established in major cities depending on the number of women working within the municipalities. Its role centers on local organization, training, and monitoring women-focused projects.

The Women’s Council is formed in both urban and rural municipalities. It consists of a chair, deputy, and spokesperson, and is responsible for all organizational, supervisory, and training aspects related to women’s work. It oversees all women’s projects within the municipalities to ensure unity, organization, and efficiency.

This structure ensures that both the office and the council operate in a complementary way, distributing responsibilities in a manner that allows women to participate effectively at all levels of municipal administration in both cities and villages.

After the internal system was approved, work began under the unified name Women’s Council in the Union of Municipalities of North and East Syria, to be applied across all regions. Its aim is to strengthen women’s participation in municipal work at every level.

Goals, tasks of council

The council’s goals and tasks include:

Enhancing cooperation and support for women in municipalities through regular organizational meetings.

Launching projects dedicated to women’s work and supporting initiatives that encourage women’s participation in society.

Organizing training and qualification courses to strengthen administrative and community service skills.

Participating in all activities against violence towards women and promoting their social role.

Maintaining direct relations with communes to help resolve community issues.

Achievements in 2025

Throughout the current year, the Women’s Council completed several development projects, including:

– Operating multiple bakeries

– Opening sewing workshops

– Establishing women’s housing associations

Opening sweets shops and tree/flower nurseries

Fatima Ibrahim added: “These projects support and empower women economically and socially by providing job opportunities, professional training, and psychological and social support.”

She concluded by emphasizing:

“These projects are not temporary—they are part of a long-term plan aimed at building a cohesive society in which women play an active role in all sectors.”

The everyday people of the region are living remarkably stable lives, the children are going to school, the stores are full of food and products, and – most of the time – the lights turn on and there is water in the tap. In the the dust and heat, the people of Northeast Syria have built a functioning system, organized governance, decent electricity, water, and sanitation, the presence of local police forces, and even traffic and parking enforcement. I was surprised to see, on a main street adjacent to the city center in Qamishlo, near the so-called “Jewish market,” a set of pay-parking spots, hosting several cars with freshly-issued parking tickets on the windshields.

Northeast Syria is protected by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a US ally in the fight to defeat ISIS. The region was ravaged by the brutal battles against ISIS, and has not seen a presence of the central Syrian government since 2011. Although the occasional Turkish bomb still falls on the region, and although the new Syrian military has engaged the SDF in small skirmishes at the southern tip of the region, Northeast Syria is full of people doing business, innovating, creating art, getting married, starting families, and living lives of an unlikely peace – given the circumstances.

This stability is especially notable for those who are interested in US policy toward the region, because for the entire year, the US government had been normalizing with the new government in power in Damascus, which controls the other two-thirds of Syria, and largely ignoring the northeast part of the country, which has been a reliable US ally, with US troops stationed in their region. The new government in Damascus is largely made up of militants associated with the religious extremism of Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham and the Al-Qaeda affiliate, Jabhat Al-Nusra. While I was traveling in the northeast, residents in the Damascus-controlled region were describing cities where police are absent, petty crimes occur frequently, and many people are out of work and can’t pay for basic needs. Many said they hadn’t seen the new government anywhere.

While there, I was able to meet with the co-mayor of Qamishlo, Northeast Syria, a city of about 180,000 residents. From her busy office, she described how the city funds these basic services, in between her assistants poking their heads in the door to ask questions about meeting times and contacts. The city of Qamishlo has 22 employees who go door-to-door through the neighborhoods, and collect 10,000 Syrian pounds (about $1 USD, or 1% of the average worker’s income) from each home. If a family is poor and cannot pay, she says, “the employee will look at their house and situation,” and if they appear poor, they just say thanks and walk away. No penalty. No service cut-off. They just do the compassionate thing and leave, without trying to collect.

I also met with the co-mayor of Hasakeh. Walking past residents bustling into and out of the busy municipal government building in the city center as they clutched papers and stacks of the undervalued Syrian pound, we found the co-mayor in a modest office under the loud whir of an air conditioner. She described the careful task of providing water for the 420,000 residents of the city since 2019 when the Turkish Armed Forces seized the Allouk water station, which was the main water source for the city, closing it down. In addition, in the past few decades, Turkey has built a series of dams on the Euphrates River in the southern part of Anatolia, Turkey, the Kurdish region, which severely restrict the water flow into Syria. The municipal government of Hasakeh has been trucking in water in giant water tankers, which are visible throughout the city. They fill privately-owned rooftop water tanks. In addition, the municipal government coordinates with several NGOs, who truck water in to fill public water stations, so anyone can access the water for drinking, cooking, and light washing. She also mentioned that 20% of residents also have access to water from wells, but this water is salinated and contains other toxins, so can be used only for washing and other purposes. This is paid for by taxation, including both household and business taxes. Business taxes are applied according to the footprint of the business in square meters.

The delivery of services in Northeast Syria is a complex, deliberate, and carefully administered system, which is functioning well. Until recently, when the new Syrian government began attracting refugees back into the Damascus-controlled region, Northeast Syria was more stable and prosperous than the rest of Syria. 

I emphasize this comparison because although the West seems intent on normalizing with the new Syrian government in Damascus, the reality on the ground is that Northeast Syria has substantive power. It must be reckoned with, not ignored. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have over 100,000 professional soldiers, men and women who were trained-and-equipped with help from the US Armed Forces and are battle-hardened over the past decade by the fight against ISIS. The forces of the new Syrian government, including affiliated militias, number at about 35,000 troops, with varied levels of training and experience.

While in Northeast Syria I visited the Free Syrian Women’s Foundation center in Qamishlo. Their women’s centers offer low-cost physical fitness gyms for women, women’s literacy and language classes, artisan workshops, and women’s empowerment lessons. They offer low-cost training centers for women to learn how to open a business in a trade such as tailoring and hairdressing, so that women who leave their husbands have a source of income. They also own and run a mobile health unit for women in rural villages, because traditional Muslim men will often not allow their wives or daughters to travel into town to seek medical care.

At this organization, they are afraid that Syria will become the next Afghanistan, and they will [see] the gains they have made rapidly stripped away.

“When the HTS comes here, everyone will be killed,” said one of the directors.

These women are terrified of the new government in Damascus. “They don’t accept strong women,” the director said. “They don’t accept our consciousness, and we don’t accept theirs. They want women to obey, and we want women to be stronger.”

“I am an old woman, but still, I am ready to pick up the gun to defend myself against the terrorists,” a 66-year old woman told me in Qamishlo, northeast Syria, when asked about women’s rights under the new Syrian government. The woman, who was nearly six feet tall and sturdily built, did not appear to be bluffing.

I heard a similar message when I met with a representative from the YPJ Women’s Protection Units. These women’s units of the SDF are known as the Kurdish women who battled ISIS in the trenches and won their freedom against the brutal system of ISIS, wherein they may have become slaves. These women’s militias are cautiously optimistic, but at the same time are remaining vigilant, trained, equipped, and prepared, in case they need to fight a new battle for their freedom.

The women of Northeast Syria carry the memory of extremists who abused and executed women who were too headstrong. They saw how independent women in Raqqa were dragged to the city center by ISIS and beheaded for the crime of speaking back to their husbands. They have now borne witness to violations, murders, and kidnappings of Alaawi women in Latakia in March. This time, it was not ISIS committing atrocities, but the very militants who now are making up the Syrian military. The world has additionally witnessed further terror in July and August — against women, men, doctors, patients, children, the Druze people — by these same militants in Suweyda, southern Syria. This prompted even the Israeli government to engage their military, until the violence ceased. While the new Syrian government promises to investigate the horrific events in southern Syria, the people of Northeast Syria have already arrived at the conclusion that the new Syrian government is to blame for the atrocities.

These women fear that, if the northeast falls to extremism, they will lose their freedom — and possibly their lives, just as Alaawi and Druze women did earlier this year.

For most of this year, US policy on Syria has focused on rapid normalization with the new president, Ahmed Al Sharaa, instead of slowing down and seeing whether he can even assert control outside Damascus. It also remains to be seen how the new Syrian government will respect the rights of women, and protect the gains of the women in Northeast Syria, or whether the region will take the painful path of Afghanistan, where women’s rights were rapidly put in shackles and hidden under a veil when the US withdrew support from the region.

The summer heat has now faded and given way to cooler weather. In December, the new Syrian government will have been in power in Damascus for a full year. Damascus has been in negotiations with the DAANES over how much and how soon Northeast Syria will be integrated into the rest of Syria. These negotiations are taking place on the edge of a knife – the religious extremism of the new government in Damascus pushes in the opposite direction than the more democratic ideologies in the northeast.

No one wants to see Syria fall back into civil war. But the task of uniting a diverse country with many different peoples is not a small one. A lasting solution will be one that reckons with the realities of an intact, effective government in Northeast Syria, as well as a large number of women who do not wish to give up their gains.

The Academy of Democratic Modernity (ADM) has posed these and other questions to Dr. Azize Aslan, an expert on the region and its economic aspects. Her published book “Anticapitalist Economy in Rojava” elaborates on these questions and is published in English and Spanish. The German version will be published in 2025.

Azize Aslan is from Kurdistan and lives in Mexico. She studied economics and did her master’s degree in development economics in Istanbul, where she supported the organisation of women’s cooperatives. Since then she has been working on issues related to women’s economy and co-operatives in Kurdistan. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities of the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico. She received the Jorge Alonso Chair Award for her work in 2021. This interview with ADM was conducted in November 2024.

Building an Anticapitalist Economy – Interview with Azize Aslan (PDF)Download

Islamic State had taken over the city in 2014 without a fight from allied Islamist groups, led by the Al-Nusra Front. In today’s context, it was primarily the founder of the Al-Nusra Front, Al-Jolani (or Al-Sharaa), who, with the support of Al-Qaeda, made the invasion of the Islamic State possible. Today, Al-Jolani is the self-proclaimed transitional president of Syria.

During a conversation over dinner in one of the high-rise buildings in the center of Raqqa, surrounded by Arab and Kurdish revolutionaries, Aziz tells me in the dim light of a flashlight how he woke up in his parents’ house on the morning of January 13, 2014, and suddenly saw the black flag of ISIS flying over the city. For him and many others, a nightmare came true, involving every form of brutality from prohibitions, arrests, torture, and murder to rape and enslavement of women.

After taking the city, Islamic State destroyed the city’s Shiite mosques. Many of the city’s Christian churches were also destroyed, and the Armenian Catholic Church was even converted into an Islamist recruitment center. Before the Syrian civil war, Christians made up just under 10% of the city’s population. The population was now at the mercy of ISIS’s brutality: public executions, extortion, and forced recruitment were the order of the day. Raqqa became the capital of the IS caliphate. Many of the attacks in Paris, Nice, Brussels, Manchester, and elsewhere were financed, planned, and organized from here.

Aziz had to go into hiding and only escaped by chance. After a night in which contacts from the SDF smuggled him out of the city, a commando unit from the ISIS secret service stood at the door of his parents’ house to arrest him. To this day, Aziz has dedicated himself to the struggle for a free and democratic Middle East and fights side by side with Kurdish comrades in northern and eastern Syria. He told us with pride how important it is for him to overcome the old divisions between Arabs and Kurds, which were created by nationalism and the Baath regime’s aggressive Arabization and anti-Kurdish policies.

On June 6, 2017, the operation to liberate Raqqa began. A multi-ethnic army, led by the SDF and involving many young people from Raqqa and the surrounding region, liberated the city after months of fighting, which military experts later described as the most intense urban combat since World War II. By the time Raqqa was liberated on October 20, 2017, hundreds of the region’s most valuable daughters and sons, Arabs, Kurds, and Armenians, had become martyrs side by side. It is also their sacrifice that laid the foundation for coexistence as what Rêber APO calls the Democratic Nation:

“While the nation-state is a form of power organization, the democratic nation represents a model of societal governance. The nation-state relies on the engineering of a uniform, homogeneous society, whereas the democratic nation is rooted in the heterogeneous nature of a multi-identity, multicultural society. The nation-state instrumentalizes identities for power, fostering conflict and pitting them against one another. In contrast, the democratic nation is grounded in the democratic relationships and solidarity among diverse identities and cultures, freeing identities from being tools of power. In summary, while the nation-state is power-centric, the democratic nation is based on the solidarity and self-governance of communities.“
Abdullah Öcalan (Manifesto for Peace and a Democratic Society, 2025)

It was also Rêber Apo who advised the Kurdish forces within the SDF to liberate Raqqa. Despite the foreseeable sacrifices, he was convinced that the brotherhood of Arabs and Kurds was essential for a new beginning in the Middle East, and that there was a corresponding responsibility to liberate the predominantly Arab areas from the occupation of the Islamic State.

Today, eight years later, hundreds of thousands have returned to Raqqa, and many of the institutions of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria have their headquarters in the city. While schools, hospitals, the stadium, museum, mosques, and parks reopened in the first days after liberation, the first churches have been rebuilt in recent years, and academies of democratic civil society, youth centers of the Revolutionary Youth Movement, and many other projects have been implemented. The Zenobia organization, founded in 2016, organizes women in the region to enable them to live in safety and participate in social life. It has established numerous women’s cooperatives in Raqqa, including a large bakery and a cleaning products factory, which in turn finances many projects for women. While IS almost completely excluded women from public life, women now take on important tasks in all institutions and play a leading role in democratic self-government.

Of course, not all divides have been overcome, and particularly when it comes to women’s liberation, men and tribal elders of some Arab tribes remain skeptical of the revolution. One thing is clear, however: Arab women now have a clear perspective for a free life with a strong will. They have become a natural and fundamental part of the revolution. They are taking on responsibility in self-governing institutions, fighting in the ranks of the SDF, and are a symbol for the future of women throughout Syria.

The fact that brotherhood between Kurds and Arabs is essential for the future of the region is also underlined by the letter that Rêber Apo recently sent directly to the Arab tribes of the region from the prison island of Imrali, calling for Kurdish-Arab unity:

“The friendship between our peoples has lasted for centuries. Today, with your leadership, it takes on a new political and social significance.“ Rêber Apo emphasizes what this relationship should be based on today and how important the participation of Arabs is in defending the region: ”All people should be equal and free, live together, and govern themselves. Equality and justice must be built on this foundation. Kurds and Arabs should live together. This also depends on your support for the SDF. Your support for the SDF is of great importance and significance.” Today, at least half of the SDF fighters are of Arab descent, and the predominantly Arab regions of Raqqa, Deir Ez-Zor, and Tabqa are part of the self-administration. Women in these regions, in particular, have become pioneers of the Democratic Nation. Even though sleeper cells of the Islamic State continue to pose a security risk and media campaigns by Turkey and others target the alliances between Arabs and Kurds, a few weeks ago we sat down again with revolutionary youth, Arabs, Turkmen, Kurds, Basques, Portuguese, and Germans over dinner and discussed how much the Democratic Nation in North-East-Syria has already become a reality.

Some days ago, I attended the demonstration of the Young Women’s Movement in Raqqa. Kurdish and Arab women, some in military clothing, some veiled in burkas, demonstrated together. As different as their appearances were, it became clear in the young women’s shared chants: all of these women draw their strength from Rêber Apo and organize themselves according to his philosophy of “Jin Jiyan Azadî – Women Life Freedom.” This image is the result of a serious struggle.

On the day of the anniversary of Raqqa’s liberation, we bow our heads to those who lost their lives in the liberation of the city and look with awe at the achievements of the revolution. Side by side, young people from the region in particular have overcome the divisions between Arabs and Kurds, thereby changing the fate of the entire region. Today, Raqqa is liberated, but the road to the liberation of the Middle East is still long and unpredictable. However, undeniably important steps have been taken in recent years. Rêber Apo’s vision of a democratic nation has become a reality in North East Syria and shows the way to a democratic Middle East.

Internationalists who fell during the liberation of Raqqa and in battles around Raqqa:

Ryan Lock (Berxwedan Givara)
Nazzareno Tassone (Agîr Ararat)
Muzaffer Kandemir (Doğan Kırefe)
Paolo Todd (Kawa Amed)
Albert Avery Harrington (Çekdar Rojava/Neshro Hiro)
Ulaş Bayraktaroğlu (Mehmet Kurnaz)
Ayşe Deniz Karacagil (Destan Temmuz)
Hasan Ali
Robert Grodt (Demhat Goldman)
Luke Rutter (Soro Zinar)
Nicholas Warden (Rodi Deysie)
David Taylor (Zafer Qereçox)
Fermun Çırak (Nubar Ozanyan/Orhan Bakırcıyan)
Gökhan Taşyakan (Ulaş Adalı)
Frédéric Henri Georges Demonchaux (Gabar Légionnaire)
Mehmet Aksoy (Firaz Dag)
Jack Holmes (Şoreş Amanos)
Oliver Hall (Canşêr Zagros)

On the eighth anniversary of Raqqa’s liberation from ISIS occupation, marked on October 20, 2017, the voices of women from the city shed light on the profound transformations that have reshaped women’s lives from marginalization and isolation to active presence and decision-making power.

The story of Maryam Ibrahim, who transitioned from a traditional housewife to a political leader, stands as a powerful example of women’s rise in Raqqa and their determination to build a more democratic and balanced society.

Women’s Struggle in Raqqa

In an exclusive interview, Maryam Ibrahim, now Co-Chair of the Committee for Social Affairs and Laborers in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, spoke about the journey of women’s struggle in Raqqa beginning under the weight of restrictive customs and traditions, passing through the darkest era under ISIS rule, and culminating in liberation and active engagement in politics and governance within the institutions of the Autonomous Administration.

“For many years, women in Raqqa suffered from marginalization and oppression. But they managed to turn pain into strength, and fear into willpower. The time under ISIS was a dark period in every sense of the word. Women were stripped of their most basic rights. But we emerged from that darkness to lead an unprecedented historical awakening.”

She continued: “Liberation wasn’t just from ISIS, but also from patriarchal traditions that restricted women’s movement and blocked their participation in public life. Today, women in North and East Syria aren’t just part of the administration they’re partners in political decision-making, and they’re demanding full representation in the new Syrian constitution.”

“What Has Been Achieved Must Inspire a Nationwide Women’s Revolution”

Maryam Ibrahim sees the transformation in North and East Syria as a model to be replicated across the country: “After 60 years of marginalization, injustice, and servitude, it’s time for a comprehensive Syrian women’s awakening. What we’ve achieved in North and East Syria should be the starting point of a nationwide women’s revolution.”

She added: “I personally moved from being a simple woman whose only role was raising children at home, to an administrator in the Autonomous Administration, and then a delegate advocating for the rights of all Syrian peoples. This leap wasn’t easy, but it proves that change is possible when there is the will.”

She concluded her message with a call to all Syrian women: “Don’t wait for anyone to give you your rights—take them. The historical opportunity is in our hands today, and a woman who doesn’t assert her presence will not find anyone who grants it to her.”

“Years of Struggle and Awareness-Raising”

Jihan Mustafa, co-chair of a commune within the Ahmad Al-Shaaban People’s Council in Raqqa, confirmed that women now play a pivotal role in community and administrative work thanks to years of activism and awareness campaigns, particularly within communes, which are the foundational cells of social organization.

“I’ve been working in the commune for three years. We’ve faced many challenges, especially the initial lack of awareness among neighborhood residents about the commune’s role. But over time, through regular meetings and awareness sessions, perceptions changed, and the work became smoother and more collaborative.

My name is Hevrin, from Derik, a city in Rojava. I studied and lived there, but now my work is in Qamishlo. I studied civil engineering in Aleppo for five years and I completed my education in 2009. After working for the government for one year, the revolution started. This was in 2011.

My family deserves the credit for my participation in the Rojava revolution; they are patriotic and have been organized for years. They always took me to meetings and social events. In other words, I have never been far away from political organizing and have always had strong roots in our society.

This may be the case everywhere in the Middle East, but especially in Rojava there still exists a strong unity and solidarity among our people. Living together, or what we call ‘communal living’ is still alive and common today. I am also part of this communal society.

These were Hevrin Khalaf’s words in the spring of 2018 when I met her. On October 12, 2019, three days after Turkey launched its military offensive into northern Syria, she was brutally murdered. According to reports by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, she was dragged out of her car and shot in cold blood on the road. Her autopsy reveals she was shot, beaten with heavy objects and dragged by her hair until the skin on her scalp came off.

I do not know how many times I have listened to our interview recordings since I heard the horrible news of Hevrin’s death. She describes Rojava and her struggle with such pride. I wanted to hear these honorable words, because they also explain many of the reasons for the war against Rojava and Kurds. This interview is an attempt to bring justice to the brave work that Hevrin Khalaf did for her people and for the people of Rojava.

I met Hevrin Khalaf (Hevrîn Xelef, in Kurdish) in the spring of 2018 when she was the co-chair of the Ministry of Economy of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, better known as Rojava. The day before, she had lost her comrade Gerdo, with whom she had struggled together for many years; she was returning from Gerdo’s house in Tirbespîyê , and I remember when she called me to say that she was sorry for being late and that she was on her way.

A lifelong struggle

While I waited for Hevrin in the garden of the Ministry of Economy, sitting in the shadow of a tree, I chatted and smoked with the woman responsible for the Asayişa JIN, the women security forces in Rojava. She looked so strong and autonomous that when I saw the ring on her finger, I must admit I was a little surprised and asked her if she was married; “I’m married, but my husband works for the community security forces in another part of Rojava,” she said. A little embarrassed, she laughingly confessed: “We forgot that we were married once the revolution happened.”

Women in Rojava have always sought to transform the revolution, which everyone knows as a women’s revolution, into a social revolution. Hevrin struggled for this all her life and was murdered while fighting for it.

I had already heard about the beauty and dignity of Hevrin, and indeed, when she arrived, her swollen eyes and sadness from crying for Gerdo could not hide her beauty, nor did her fatigue obstruct her hospitality; while greeting me, she immediately inquired if I was hungry and if I had something to eat.

During my stay in Rojava, I had no relations with money; every day I ate and drank tea in the communal kitchens of one of the many local institutions or civilian houses along the way. There, it was evident that money does not dominate all social relations. Sometimes the people in Rojava were making fun of me; joking that if I had come during the time of war and embargo, they would have only given me soup.

A society built around communes and assemblies

Along with the revolution, a social economy had been organized in Rojava. At the time of our meeting, Hevrin was a spokesperson and co-chair of the Ministry of Economy for over two years.

There are three important pillars for organizing a social economy. The first one is the economy for social needs, which unlike in a capitalist economy, is not focused on maximizing profit. The second pillar is ecology and the ecologically responsible production of society’s needs. The third pillar is the creation and control of a fair market. These three pillars are very important for the social economy, and we want to make these a reality.

Rojava is not only the territory where a revolution is taking place, it is also a territory where the idea of a revolution is being redefined. Rojava is the place where a social revolution is taking place; where the notion of the “classical revolution” — based on the idea of transforming society through the seizure of power — is rejected.

The Kurdish movement of Rojava refuses to take power; instead, it mobilizes in an organizational modality that forms a network of assemblies that allows the people to become the subjects of their decision-making processes, offering the principle of self-determination for autonomy. That is, the Kurds are rejecting the basic component of a state: its power to make and implement decisions from the top down.

In other words, unlike other parts of Syria, the Kurds are not just another armed faction, but a militant popular movement that promotes horizontal self-determination and autonomy by and for the people of northern Syria. As Hevrin explained:

We should understand the main difference between the revolution in the rest of Syria and the revolution in Rojava. Let me give you an example, last night there was a public gathering. There was a teacher from Deraa. You probably know the significance of Deraa as the spark that lit the fire of the Syrian revolution back in 2011.

However, it could not go further.

Yesterday he told us that in Deraa, after the city was liberated from the regime seven years ago, nothing else was done; no organization, no service, no administration. Only a group of soldiers arrived to rule. That means whoever has guns can has power there. Our most important difference is this.

The first thing that was done in Rojava, and later in the broader region of northern and eastern Syria after it was liberated from ISIS, was the establishment of regional cantonal assemblies in agreement with the people living there, as the subjects of their own decisions. The sanctioning of, or participation in these assemblies by armed forces, was banned by the social contract of Rojava and northern Syria.

The purpose of the popular assembly-based system in Rojava is to organize an anti-capitalist and autonomous model for a stateless, anti-patriarchal and ecological society. Democratic autonomy, which is organized around the commune, is not a political party organization or government, although it recognizes political parties. Communes and popular assemblies, which are the main bodies of societal organization, constitute a self-government.

The spirit of a democratic nation

Unlike ethnic and religious conflicts that have transformed the Middle East into a war zone, democratic autonomy is guaranteed by the communes for all institutions of autonomous government on the basis of a “democratic nation”.

It was evident from the tone of her voice that Hevrin had captured the spirit of the democratic nation, just like her Assyrian comrade Gerdo:

Ever since the movement began organizing itself, they [militants of the Kurdish movement] have been explaining the solution [democratic autonomy] with Öcalan’s prison writings. In his work, there is a solution for the entire Middle East and Rojava. So, the political solution is already there, we just need to implement it.

This is why, when overthrowing a system, that you need to replace what was previously there with an alternative vision. If you don’t have an alternative, what you’ve destroyed might turn into something worse.

In other words, when the revolution started and the state left with all of its institutions — it remained only in a few places — if we didn’t have our alternative system and if our people were not ready, it would have been impossible for us to achieve a real liberation by simply establishing institutions.

In order to build this alternative system, we started with Mala Gel [People’s Houses] and Mala JIN [Women’s Houses]. All the institutions of society were created separately. If our society is recognized, it is best known for the women’s organizations. So, when people talk about the revolution in Rojava, they call it the Şoreşa JIN [Women’s Revolution]. The women started by building the Women’s Houses whose aim was to organize the women’s movement.

They were formed to create the common mind of women and to emancipate them from the dark and deprived situations in which they often find themselves, and have them become the leaders of this social revolution. Because we know that when a woman becomes a leader, society becomes a leader with her and transforms itself. The freedom of women and society are interdependent.

When I joined the revolution, my first place was in the Nurî Dersîm academy, where the political formation of society took place. I worked there for a time. At that time, the autonomous government had been declared, but prior to that my comrades suggested that I should take part in it. After the declaration of the autonomous government, I became the co-chair of the Ministry of Energy.

We worked with mamoste Gerdo, whom we lost yesterday, for three months. We worked with heval Gerdo since day one of the autonomous government. Many times he would say: we started the struggle together, and we will finish it together. He was our Assyrian friend and a very good person. He was a very good person in terms of human morality.

When we would talk about the terms of the democratic nation, I always said to him: you were our first friend who understood the democratic nation even though it wasn’t an explicit part of our political program yet. Because he understood and realized this; it was part of his nature.

He came from the city of Tirbespîyê and in this city people were living together in peace, so I was observing his nature in his relationships with Arabs and Kurds, Muslims and Assyrians. He repeated many times: ‘Serok [honorary title of Abdullah Öcalan] made us aware of it, and so we are very comfortable with it. We didn’t know that as Assyrians we had such rights; we had forgotten about it, but now we know our cultural and political rights, thanks to his prison writings.’

Gerdo always said that we must defend the project of democratic autonomy. He did so very quietly, but we worked with the spirit of a democratic nation for more than four years together. He really had the spirit of the democratic nation.

If there is one good thing about this autonomous government, it is the unity of the people. An Assyrian works with the Kurds, a Kurd with the Arabs. This wasn’t something that could have been achieved easily. This alone is a revolution.

Transforming gender relations

Hevrin had learned from her mother to be strong and revolutionary. As such, she joined the resistance as soon as the revolution began and held various positions. When she was discussing the social economy with me, she said that she would no longer be involved in the economic dimension of the movement.

After the liberation of regions like Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, she was offered to be co-president of the Syrian Future Party (SFP), which aims to establish a social consensus for peace and to eliminate the hostility that was historically generated by the Ba’ath regime between Kurds and Arabs. She brought this up casually and I could tell that she did not want to quit her job organizing the social economy of Rojava and that she did not want to participate in the SFP, but that she would not reject the offer of her comrades.

She added that she felt that she had become intertwined with the people working in the economic area and that they had managed to solve many realistic problems together. However, given that many aligned Arab tribes had not accepted the system of co-presidency, she knew she had a responsibility to take her place in the party in order to fight until such a system was accepted.

The system of having a co-chair or co-spokesperson is a praxis that provides women and men equal rights of speech and decision-making and which can be seen in every institution and organizational structure of the Kurdish freedom movement and dates back to a decision taken by a Kurdish women’s organizations in the 1990s. It is the first praxis of this nature among freedom movements in the world. Hevrin said that the adoption of the co-chair system was not easy, and that it would be an ongoing struggle:

After the declaration of the autonomous government, women’s work has become more and more prominent. All institutions of the autonomous administration are paying special attention to women’s issues, but there is always one institution focused on women exclusively..We do not encourage that women’s issues should be prioritized over general ones, but we do insist that women’s issues are taken into account in every institution.

In order to rekindle the extinguished fire in the history of women, we must intervene and support women’s organizations in every way possible. Until when? Until women and men can work together equally.

For example, the co-presidency system is not accepted in many regions. It has not been sufficiently internalized, even in the many institutions that we have established since the start of the revolution. In other words, to see each other as co-chairs, to know that decisions should be taken together equally, is an idea and a practice that has not yet been fully implemented in our culture.

It works very well in some places, but remember that it is not possible to change a millennia-old mentality in just two years. For example, when we talk about co-chairs, they immediately tell us that this right is only a woman’s right. The co-chair system does not exist solely for women — because the nature of women’s work is to work collectively, it therefore also assures men’s rights. Women see the co-chair system as a way of working with men, in other words, women see the right to work together also as a men’s rights issue.

For example, when we talk about co-chairing in newly-liberated areas, there is a perception that we are doing something for women, but that is not the case; co-chairing is not just for women, it is also for men. It is true, for example, that the decision to apply the co-chair system everywhere was conceived in women’s organizational spaces and actions, but from the beginning we recognized that this system would not only be beneficial for women, but also for all people in northern Syria. So, everyone has the right to act with his or her comrade.

This type of system may be perceived like this at first because there is no other example of it in the world. Sometimes I am very surprised, for example, when my male friends say, ‘Okay, let’s not argue too much, there is a co-chair system and our female friends here should not be offended.’ When I heard this, I said ‘We must accept this system not because otherwise women might get offended, but so that men’s voices do not disappear in society.’

Co-presidency does not mean destroying men, it means transforming gender relations inside our institutions and society. In single-presidency systems, the president is either a man or a woman. Therefore, in order to achieve real transformation in autonomous government, it was necessary to decide on the co-chair system.

For example, when the autonomous government was declared, all ministries had a presidential system; one president and two vice-presidents; now there are two co-chairs and three vice-presidents. Not only in ministries, but in all institutions.

The co-chairing first started in the canton of Cizre, then Kobane and now this system has also begun in Afrin. However, of course the Afrin cantonal assembly had also worked with a de facto co-chair system from the beginning. In fact, even this was strange, as an example the first president of the Cizre canton was a man: Abdulkerim Saruhan; in Kobane also a man: Enver Muslim; but in Afrin it was a woman: Hevi Mustafa. Hevi Mustafa had a male co-chair even though the autonomous government had not yet decided on the co-chair system yet. But because she was a woman, the co-chair system was adopted de facto. It wasn’t implemented there yet. So, this tells us is that if the president is a man, they can continue as a presidential system, but if the president is a woman, she is not allowed to be without a male co-chair.

I laughed, and she laughed too; in that moment I saw the beautiful smile of Hevrin that no doubt stays with everyone who had seen it.

Even after her death, the importance of her struggle was once again made clear: Hevrin was not recognized as co-chair of the Syrian Future Party establishment, but rather referred to as the party’s “secretary general.”

She was a woman who was a co-president in her daily practice; I have no doubt that she continued her struggle with this spirit of resistance until the day she was murdered.

Hevrin Khalaf was smiling in front of me as a co-chair; this was undoubtedly the victory smile I saw in the eyes and faces of all women in Rojava; this honorable smile that destroyed patriarchy. So defending Rojava means defending that honorable smile!

Qamishlo – Communes play a key role in building social organization and peace. These structures, in which the values of solidarity and collective life are realized, provide an important framework for protecting rights, ensuring social justice, and strengthening democratic stability. Through communes—an organizational sphere that reflects the direct will of the people—participatory decision-making processes at the local level are implemented. Within this framework, it is stated that convening commune conferences with the participation of residents and institutional representatives is necessary to identify society’s needs, unify people’s demands, and develop solutions.

Commune conferences stand out as a new step toward strengthening social solidarity and consolidating the values of peace and democracy.

Co-chair of Qamishlo City Council, Hêvî Ehmed, shared information with our agency regarding the purpose of the first communes conference.

The Importance of Communes

At the beginning of her speech, Hêvî Ehmed drew attention to the critical role communes play in North and East Syria. Recalling that at the beginning of the Rojava Revolution, Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan presented a perspective on the necessity of protecting communes and municipalities, Hêvî Ehmed said:

“Leader Apo proposed that the people organize themselves on the basis of communes. Within this framework, the people built their organization through communes and carried out their activities within these structures. Today, everyone in the region is a member of a commune and fulfills their responsibilities within this framework.”

‘Decisive Also in Terms of Social Transformation’

Pointing to Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan’s latest defenses, Hêvî Ehmed stated: “In his latest defenses, Leader Apo once again emphasizes the importance of communes in North and East Syria. He points out that communes play a key role in solving the problems of the region’s peoples and defines these structures as the model of ‘the most advanced democracy.’ He also states that communes are the nucleus of the Democratic Nation and that they encompass all social components. Within this framework, Leader Apo, with his statement ‘In North and East Syria, a moral, political, and peaceful society must emerge,’ demonstrates that communes are not only organizational but also decisive in terms of social transformation.”

The First Conference

Stating that the first communes conference was held in Qamishlo, Hêvî Ehmed said: “All institutions and organizations affiliated with the Autonomous Administration, commune co-chairs, tribal sheikhs, and Syrian voters participated in the conference. Opinions and proposals were presented at the conference, and the demand was raised for communes to be further developed as a solution to problems. For the first time, a communes conference was organized, and the people approached this conference with high morale and great hope. Participants democratically discussed and addressed the problems within the communes, the reasons behind their dysfunctionality, as well as criticisms and proposals. In the future, a congress will be organized, and the decisions, opinions, work, and activities of the communes will become clearer.”

‘Now Is the Time for Freedom’

Hêvî Ehmed concluded her remarks by stating that the purpose of the conferences is to further develop communes: “Our aim is to develop our communes and embrace them more strongly. To build a power of solution that will strengthen the communes, we must turn communes into the home of the people. Preparations will be made for a congress in order to establish healthy communes. Our demand is that lovers of freedom protect the communes. The martyrs left us sacred values, and the achievements in our hands are the work of Leader Apo and the martyrs. Our call is to build a communal society, because now is the time for freedom.”

Al-Hasakah — In the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, where women have faced war and crises for over fourteen years, their role is not limited to rebuilding life—it extends to protecting the environment. In the Jazira region, municipalities adopt a democratic environmental model that empowers women, based on the philosophy of Leader Abdullah Öcalan.

Under this approach, municipalities are not merely central governmental institutions, but independent spaces that pulse with the will of the people, women, and communities. Through this model, women reshape municipalities as centers for environmental and life protection, embodying the spirit of resistance and social and environmental justice.

Leader Öcalan emphasizes in his definition of democratic freedom the necessity of organizing municipalities through communes and councils. This model has been implemented in the municipalities of North and East Syria under women’s leadership, ensuring equal representation in decision-making. Municipalities do not merely provide technical services—they also set policies that promote the environment, society, and women’s freedom.

Berivan Omar, Co-Chair of the Union of Municipalities in Jazira, emphasized the importance of environmental protection, highlighting the crucial role local leaders must play in ensuring a healthy and sustainable environment for all. She drew attention to the deep historical connection between women and nature, considering women the foremost defenders of the environment. Amid capitalist policies that continue to destroy cities and nature, women lead municipal projects aimed at building harmonious, clean, and sustainable cities.

Women and the Environment: Local Leadership Towards Sustainable Development

Berivan Omar noted that the capitalist system has corrupted human life, while women strive to build a new balance between humans and nature in response to this system. “Throughout history, power has been linked to the domination of both nature and women; yet, women cannot be separated from nature. We see women in political spheres as the foremost defenders of the environment.”

She added that as local leaders, women work to achieve harmony between civic life, urban expansion, and nature, responding to the multiple crises left by capitalist life and major cities. “This approach is reflected in municipal efforts, particularly through the Women’s Office, which continuously seeks to enhance green spaces, increase cleaning efforts, and focus on the environment in general.”

“Women Are More Connected to Nature and Protective of It”

Berivan Omar pointed out that the co-chair system and women’s representation in municipal councils have given women an active role in decision-making. This change has strengthened women’s participation in environmental, agricultural, and sanitation issues since 2012, especially following the establishment of the Autonomous Administration.

She explained that women have provided significant support in developing these areas, and their efforts continue today. This system enables women to have a direct impact within municipal councils, where their presence in discussions is influential, especially when they hold a majority, making their opinions central to all parties involved.
Omar emphasized the importance of women’s role in decision-making, noting that their decisions often have a positive and effective impact, particularly when analyzed from a perspective that considers the future of women and children, making them more inclusive and sustainable.

She added that this approach differs from male-led decisions, which often focus only on the technical aspects of construction and urban planning. The co-chair system ensures the continuity of this balance, with women participating in over 50% of municipal work, enhancing their presence and ensuring broader protection of community interests.

“Women in Municipalities: A Powerful Voice in Environmental Decision-Making”

Berivan Omar stressed the importance of having a Women’s Council and a dedicated environmental platform within the Union of Municipalities. This organizational framework ensures that women’s projects reflect their visions and respond to community needs. “The Women’s Council within the Union of Municipalities was established, with offices organized to focus projects on building clean and beautiful cities and making effective environmental protection decisions.”

She noted that women’s participation in these platforms often stems from a deep belief in the importance of environmental protection and the necessity of coexistence among all living beings, enhancing the prospects of sustainable nature preservation.

Omar pointed out that municipalities play a pivotal role in serving the community. “Their establishment was one of the first steps in building the Autonomous Administration system, which forms the foundation of local governance.”

She highlighted the law issued in 2024, particularly Article Four, which grants expanded powers to local officials, enhancing their ability to provide better services. “This expansion requires municipalities, when proposing any project, to organize participatory meetings involving all relevant parties from municipalities, councils, committees, and organizations to ensure project implementation aligns with community needs.” She confirmed that the role of local leadership has significantly evolved, and community services have become more effective and organized thanks to this participatory decision-making model.

“Environmental Protection: A Collective Responsibility and a Necessity”

Berivan Omar emphasized that trust in local leadership is fundamental to successful municipal work, stressing the importance of community involvement in all municipal activities. “We cannot achieve effective results without the support and participation of residents in project implementation. Without this interaction, we cannot meet the city’s needs or work according to its requirements.”

She added that building trust between citizens and local officials is essential because the people lead the municipality, and municipal employees implement the decisions made by the community itself.

In conclusion, Berivan Omar underscored that environmental protection is not merely an option but a fundamental necessity to ensure human health and the development of civic life, affirming that environmental preservation should be at the heart of any developmental or urban project.

Several commune co-chairs in Qamishlo highlighted their central role in organizing local society, emphasizing that communes strengthen community ties, foster dialogue, and provide solutions to everyday challenges.

Öcalan’s philosophy empowers women

Jihan Ahmed, co-chair of the Martyr Liwan Commune, said the commune reflects the thought and philosophy of Abdullah Öcalan. She recalled his words: “When I am released from Imrali Prison, I will establish a commune and become a member of it.”

She described the commune as the foundation of social life, supporting people, organizing their daily needs, and resolving problems. Jihan noted that communes include a range of committees, such as those for women, protection, health, labor, and social relations.

She stressed the need for stronger public engagement to develop communes and overcome challenges, pointing to weak participation in meetings and marches. “The Autonomous Administration has decided to organize weekly home visits every Sunday to strengthen communication and cooperation,” she said.

According to Jihan, Öcalan’s philosophy—placing the commune as the first step after his release from Imrali—was essential to women’s liberation and laid the groundwork for major achievements made possible through the Rojava Revolution. She called for more effective commune-building and broader public participation.

‘Communes organize communities’

Leyla Suleiman, co-chair of the Martyr Shevger Commune, said communes organize communities to tackle daily challenges through committees on protection, social relations, and essential services.

She explained that each committee carries out specific duties: the protection committee ensures security, the social relations committee resolves family disputes, and the services committee provides essential needs such as bread, water, and fuel.

Leila underscored the importance of continuing education within communes, noting Öcalan’s emphasis on their role. She added that the Autonomous Administration organizes regular visits to enhance communication between institutions and residents.

Greater public involvement needed 

Perwin Jamil, co-chair of the Martyr Raed Commune, echoed these views, affirming that communes are the cornerstone of society, present in every neighborhood and governed by the co-chair system.

She explained that committees work according to their mandates: the women’s committee organizes activities, raises awareness, and addresses women’s issues, with members appointed through Kongra Star. Other committees manage daily life and respond to residents’ needs.

Perwin emphasized that communes maintain strong ties with councils and institutions, urging greater public involvement and active engagement to strengthen these grassroots structures.

On 19 July 2012, the Kurds found their own “Freedom Day” when the people of Kobane took control of their own destiny, repelling Assad’s Syrian forces and embarked on establishing their own self-government. On the following day, 20 July, the people in Afrin joined them in this endeavour, setting off a wave of successful resistance in the coming days and months across the region that emerged as Rojava. The heroic resistance of these embattled Kurdish men and women immediately inspired solidarity from onlookers around the world and peoples of all nations rallied to the defence of Kobane.

What has become known as the Rojava Revolution drew its direct inspiration from the leadership and writings of Abdullah Öcalan; it was a practical implementation of his core political ideas and unique contribution to the politics of Kurdistan and the broader Middle East region, with global implications and valuable lessons for the entire peoples of the world.”

Women were in the lead and continue to play a crucial role in the new model of society implemented. All the different nations and beliefs in Rojava and Northern Syria joined the 19 July Revolution with their own features and identities.

They started to work together to build a new democratic system on the road to democratization. In the developed democratic system, democratic solutions to issues related to women as the oppressed gender were elaborated, and a political and social system started to take shape as an alternative to the global capital and capitalist system.

The so-called Arab Spring began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread to other Arab and Northern African countries. It also reached Syria. As the popular movement took its first steps in Syria, the Baath regime responded with even stricter oppressive methods in place since 1963 to protect its power.

With the beginning of the Syrian Revolution on 15 March 2011, the peoples of Rojava and northern Syria called for freedom, democracy and equality, organising many demonstrations. Peoples living in northern Syria also demanded an end of the policy of denial imposed by the Baath regime.

Rojava and Northern Syrian women with their various features began to take the lead in the struggle that developed. The essence of the work carried out in the struggle in Northern Syria and Rojava was a struggle for democracy of the peoples, but it was women who added their particular flavour to this.

Öcalan’s ideas formed the basis of the organization

In Rojava and Northern Syria women had the lead of the demonstrations and there is no doubt that the ideological and practical perspective of the struggle was taken from the philosophy of the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) leader Abdullah Öcalan. They were against the regional and international conspiracy.

In Rojava and Northern Syria, women set up their own organization in 2005 and called it Yekitiya Star [later this name was changed to Kongra Star]. Yekitiya Star, the first step in the struggle for women’s liberation, gradually reached a new level of organization in political, military, social, diplomatic and cultural fields with the beginning of the revolution.

Although in the region it was above all Kurdish women who were involved in the freedom struggle and organization, soon other women from the whole region were incorporated and joined both the struggle and the organisation. In this way, the women’s organization that started as Yekitiya Star soon widened to include various ethnic and religious structures and went on to cover various fields such as political, military and social.

Women strengthened their solidarity in the Syrian revolution

Following the slogan of strengthening the solidarity of women in the Syrian revolution, Yekitiya Star founded the Syrian Women’s Initiative that carried out many different works.

The preparatory meeting of the Syrian Women’s Initiative under the leadership of Yekitiya Star was organized in the Cizire region with the slogan “Whatever their nation, belief and society, the women of Cizire are one”. The Syrian Women’s Initiative foundation conference was held in Qamishlo on 28 March and the first office was opened in the same Qamishlo on 17 November.

Training programs were organized for women in different parts of Rojava and Northern Syria. In the last period, trainings were held in the new liberated areas. In Afrin, Kobane and Cizire, Mala Jin (Women’s House) were opened. The understanding was that women should be able to solve their problems, to implement social justice principles, to provide social development against reactionary minds, to participate in all spheres of society for an ecological, democratic and free society.

On 21 January 2014, the Democratic Autonomous Administration and the Women’s Council were established. This enhanced the opportunities and projects for women to be carried out in the fields of administration, diplomacy and economy.

From Zehra Penaber to Raqqa: Liberation Operations

Kobane city has witnessed many historical and heroic epics. Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) in this city have resisted the patriarchal system in the name of all women and received support from women all over the world. After ISIS attacked Kobane on 15 September 2014, women got actively involved in defending the city against the mercenaries that threatened the world and imposed slavery on women. Women fighters took their place in the front lines throughout the resistance, and carried out many actions.

Arin Mirkan became a symbol of the fight with the action she carried out on 5 October 2014. Zehra Penaber, Hebun Derik and Evindar, are among the legendary commanders whose names will go down in history. They showed the whole world that women can defend themselves and defeat the ISIS mercenaries.

Avesta and Barin, symbols of Afrin resistance

Women have gained historical achievements against the invading Turkish army and its mercenary allies through the legendary resistance carried out in the Afrin mountains.

Like Arin Mirkan, Avesta Xabur has become a legendary symbol in the struggle for liberty of all women of the world thanks to her resistance in Afrin.

Barin Kobane is another woman whose name has been written in the history of women’s resistance. Barin Kobane, like Arin and Avesta, have opened the way to many more Barins, Arins, and Avestas who are ready to fight against ISIS and against fascism in the Resistance of the Age.

The Peoples’ Assembly of Northern and Eastern Syria convened last 28 June, with the special agenda of “evaluating commune and council activities,” and decided on a comprehensive reorganization.

In the decree published regarding the decision, it was emphasized that commune and council activities should be re-evaluated and that extensive efforts are needed to implement the social system.

The decree stated that Thursdays were designated as environmental cleaning days and Saturdays as days for participation in commune activities.

In line with this decision, preparations for restructuring communes and councils in all cantons have begun, and work was also launched in Cizirê, the largest canton in the region.

Speaking to ANHA, Hesen Şero, co-chair of the Executive Council of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of Cizirê Canton, said that the activities of the 2,069 communes in the canton would be reviewed and restructured.

Hesen Şero noted that the decision for participation in commune activities on Saturdays also applies to the Autonomous Administration institutions: “Starting last Saturday, 5 July, employees, co-chairs, and executive council members of all institutions, except for those providing services, health, and security, have joined the commune activities.”

Şero explained that co-chairs and managers of institutions will also participate in the work as commune members: “They will join the discussions in the communes, jointly identify the people’s needs, and then develop solutions together with the commune co-chairs and members.”

According to the decree of the Peoples’ Assembly, all managers and members of institutions affiliated with the Cizirê Canton Autonomous Administration will clean their workplaces every Thursday.

“Our work is like a revolution within the revolution.” – Aveen al-Haji, co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress

The Council of Religions and Beliefs formed in 2014. It consists of gender diverse representatives of all faiths, including Muslims, Yezidis and Christians, and is now integrated into the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES).

The Democratic Islam Congress opened in 2019 and has centers in each area of NES. It works to establish a theological line in which coexistence among peoples is cultivated, and sectarian violence and the weaponization of religion by local and international actors is prevented. They do not work within a single denomination of Islam. With a number of committees, they work practically, intellectually and spiritually to develop their perspective and meet the needs of society. This can range from associated imams and clerics speaking at funerals and Friday prayers, to facilitating educations, to research.

Article 107 of the Social Contract states that Council of Religions and Beliefs aims to facilitate the ability of all individuals from every religion to practice their belief, to “develop religious institutions that are consistent with the mentality of the democratic nation,” and “oppose fanatical and extremist concepts of the nation-state and non-democracy.”

The Academy of Democratic Islam opened in 2019 until 2023 as the educational branch of the Congress, with many students graduating and later working in schools and universities. Two graduates became imams. The work of the Academy was paused in 2023 when the Religious Sciences Faculty was established in Rojava University. Between the ages of 14 to 18, students in Syria choose an educational pathway, such as vocational training, science, literature, arts, or Sharia (religious education). The Democratic Islam Congress coordinates with the NES Board of Education to deliver religious education at Sharia schools in Heseke, Sarin and Tabqa, with intent to open in Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor next year.

The Democratic Islam Congress has a research department, which participates in knowledge production and community education. Shereen Ahmed told us that they “condense difficult religious texts and make them accessible for a broader audience,” and Mohammed Hasan said they “conduct research on Islamic history, Muslim thinkers and intellectuals, fiqh [Islamic jurisprudence], and other topics.” They present their research to the DAANES, and also publish a magazine, Social Islam [Islami Civak e], in Arabic and Kurmanji.

Three magazines published by the Democratic Islam Congress

“Creating an uprising within the consciousness of religion about women’s position.” – Aveen al-Haji

The Women’s Council of the Democratic Islam Congress participates across all levels of work. Their approach focuses deeply on women’s rights, in particular ending violence against women, but also topics such as women’s right to inheritance. The Women’s Council participates in the Congress’ educational curriculum for children, such as Quran reading classes held in mosques over the summer. Aveen al-Haji said that they “investigate many topics, especially weak hadiths and interpretations, in particular those against women, which are significant and affect society”, and that they work with Jineoloji (women’s science) to analyze women’s role in the history of Islam and religion more broadly.

Co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress Aveen al-Haji, left, and Shereen Ahmed, member of the research committee 

RIC asked whether the Democratic Islam Congress supported women to become imams. Aveen said that this is not the case, as the Congress “operates in accordance with Islam. We will not form a new law or instruction that goes against the Sharia [Islamic law]” she continued, “It is not important whether a woman becomes an imam if the prevailing mentality is pro-ISIS. It is this mentality that we want to change.”

Delal Khelil, member of Kongra Star and the Council of Religions and Beliefs, emphasized that women have been distanced from their role in religion by various methods, including patriarchal interpretations of the Quran. The Council of Religions and Beliefs encourages women to participate in religious life and knowledge production, including by “doing their own research on religious interpretations and explanations.” She added that there are many examples of women preaching and playing critical roles in religion, including in Christianity, and that the Quran has many examples including verses about the mothers of the prophet Moses, Mary the mother of Jesus, and other important figures such as Bilqis. The Quran verses Surat al-Hujrat: 13 and Surat al-Israa: 70 were quoted as examples showing women’s equitable position.

An example of the opposition to the Democratic Islam Congress’ approach is the criticism they receive regarding their name. Mazin Haroni, vice co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress, said that many people disagree with the use of “democratic” and “Islam” together, both for mixing the divine with the material, and for the former being perceived as a Western system, while Islam originates from the Middle East. Mazin continued, “some consider civil systems as kufor [apostate] […] the parliamentary system is no exception; it’s another example of the worship of idols.”

Mazin Haroni, vice co-chair of the Democratic Islam Congress

They have studied and are influenced by a number of people, including Jawdet Said, George Tarabichi, Mohammad Habash, and Mohammed al-Ghazali al-Masri, among many others, but do not follow a specific theological line of any individual.

After a dialogue forum titled ‘Belief and Homeland’, RIC asked Delal Khelil on the position of the Council of Religions and Beliefs regarding intervention in the region from external actors, including Western states. She said that over time, these forces have caused “disintegration of coexistent societies through ‘divide and rule’ policies. They have funded extremist religious groups as a tool to confront political or ideological opponents, and created economic and security chaos in several countries, including Syria and Iraq, under the pretext of ‘spreading democracy’ or ‘fighting terrorism.’” She added, “But it is important to clarify that these actions are not motivated by religion, but by the political interests of powers that use, target, or distort religion.”

The prevailing position from the Democratic Islam Congress and the Council of Religions and Beliefs is that “religions and beliefs exist to establish the values of justice, compassion, and cooperation among human beings, not to ignite conflicts or fuel hegemony.”

Delal Khelil, second from right, at the dialogue forum ‘Belief and Homeland: Cooperation for Justice and Peace in the New Syria’ 

However, individuals taking non-conformist positions publicly are in danger. The story of the Khaznawi sheikh family is an example of this. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi’s approach combines political struggle with theology in his home country and abroad.

His father, Sheikh Mashouq Khaznawi, was known for his involvement in religious and political struggle in Syria – including for the rights of Kurdish people – and as an advocate for a secular state. His forced disappearance, torture and assassination in 2005 was a significant moment in the course of the Kurdish-Ba’ath Party relations, influencing the rise of autonomy in NES in the following years. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi lived in exile for 18 years after his father’s death, until 2024, when he made a series of visits and speeches in North and East Syria over several months, including at the Yezidi New Year [Çarşema Sor] celebration on April 16 2025 in Amude. A frequent participant at events held by communities of other faiths, he told RIC “interfaith dialogue is not an intellectual luxury; it is a political and social necessity.”

The Khaznawi family follow a branch of Sufism, with Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi operating independently from the Democratic Islam Congress and the Council for Religions and Beliefs. He disseminates his ideas through speeches at Kurdish national events, interfaith events, educational conferences, religious holidays of Islam and other faiths, Friday sermons, and popular gatherings with a “non-elitist approach […] for every individual seeking a dignified life.”

Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi before his speech at Yezidi New Year in Amude

Liberation theology is a tradition originating in Latin America that connects the social, political, and spiritual towards achieving collective liberation. While arising from a branch of Catholic theology, some proponents of other religions share a similar view that salvation of the oppressed is actively sought and won through radical or revolutionary change. Sheikh Murshid Khaznawi calls for peace, but, in an echo of his fathers words, “not peace as a form of surrender. We believe that the future is not for those who wait for it to be gifted from others, but for those who forge their own existence and seize their own rights.”

RIC asked, “How do you see theology and liberation as being connected?”

He replied: “This is the true essence of Islam. It is clear that religion and resistance to injustice are inextricably linked. The fundamental message of Islam is one of liberation, and its followers are committed to freeing human beings from bondage and slavery. Most liberation movements throughout history have drawn their strength from religion. They have used religion as a source of inspiration, not as a tool of oppression. Religion has motivated people to refuse humiliation and surrender. Islam has never been a religion of tyrants. It is a weapon in the hands of the oppressed. The Prophet (peace be upon him) said: ‘If you see something wrong, change it.’ Islam is a call for justice and resistance against colonialism in all its forms. We must learn this. Religion is the energy of liberation, not of tyranny.”

The Women’s House, affiliated with the Zenubiya Women’s Community in Raqqa Canton, has become a key social center for resolving family issues. In situations where legal solutions are lacking, the Women’s House serves as a place of resolution. Offering an alternative model to the courts, the Women’s House relies on social dialogue and aims to preserve family unity.

The Women’s House was established at the end of 2017. It consists of three members and one spokesperson. It operates through 17 committees in Raqqa and its countryside. Committees are active in the neighborhoods of Rimelan, Al-Diriya, Al-Mashlab, and Madina; in the southern countryside (Al-Kesrat, Al-Akirshi); in the eastern countryside (five committees); in the western countryside (Al-Khatuniya, Al-Silhebiya); and in the eastern countryside (Al-Hikumiya, Al-Hizma, Al-Asadiya). Each committee consists of two members.

Speaking to ANHA, Newal Al-Jawhar, spokesperson for the Women’s House, stated that the aim of the houses and reconciliation committees is to resolve family issues through dialogue and mutual understanding. She said, “We record the complaints, summon the parties, and initiate dialogue to find a solution that satisfies everyone.”

According to Newal, the most critical issues addressed by the Women’s House are early marriage and drug use. Therefore, they work to raise awareness among all parties about their responsibilities towards the family and children.

A resolution mechanism

Newal Al-Jawhar explained that issues are not always resolved in the first session and that, depending on the situation, a period ranging from one week to one month is granted. During this time, several meetings are held to ease tensions. “With time and support, things improve, and many people abandon decisions they made in anger,” she added.

Not only for women

Newal remarked that the center does not deal exclusively with women’s issues, and that 30 percent of the cases are brought by men who request reconciliation. The Women’s House also handles sensitive matters such as child custody, marital disputes, financial disagreements, and inheritance issues.

Figures and statistics

In the past two years, the Women’s House has received over 2,000 family cases. Around 1,500 of these were resolved peacefully, while 700 cases were referred to the courts.

Newal Al-Jawhar concluded: “Today, women turn to the Women’s House with confidence because they find solutions here that protect their dignity and their families. Our goal is to reach agreements that foster understanding and preserve family unity. Agreement is our principle, and when it is achieved, it is a success for all of us.”

After years under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and burdened with inherited debt, the Municipality of Muş has drawn attention with its projects and municipal efforts since its transfer to the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party). Muş Municipality, won for the first time by the DEM Party and its predecessor movements, has stood out over the past year for its policies on women and children. With initiatives such as a women’s rest center, a women’s condolence house, and a women’s affairs department, the municipality is now preparing to establish a City Women’s Assembly to further strengthen women’s social participation.

In an evaluation of the past year’s work given to Mezopotamya Agency (MA), Muş co-mayor Tuba Sayılğan stated that they have adopted a participatory approach to local governance in close cooperation with the people, and that they prioritize projects focused especially on women and children. She emphasized that winning a city long governed by the ruling party through the co-mayorship model was a historic achievement. Framing it as a significant step toward socializing the co-mayorship system, Sayılğan explained: “The most important place where we can democratize and socialize our co-mayorship model is within local governments. With that in mind, all of our work within the municipality centers around this model, as well as efforts for women’s empowerment and policies for children.”

Water issue will be resolved

Tuba Sayılğan noted that one of the most pressing problems in Muş is the water supply. She said, “We will resolve this issue in the near future. Following our meetings with the State Hydraulic Works (DSİ), we have decided that control over the water supply will be fully transferred to the municipality. We are doing everything we can to eliminate this problem entirely, and it will be solved soon. Of course, water is not a luxury, it is a basic necessity. It was women who were most affected by this issue. Although the entire community needs water, it was women who suffered the consequences. This change will lighten their burden. They were forced to wait at fountains and carry the water themselves. The activation of the drinking water facility will benefit women the most.”

Women’s cooperative to be launched

Sayılğan also highlighted a strong demand for employment opportunities from women in the city and said, “Through various social projects, we are working to strengthen women’s employment. As soon as we took over the municipality, we began focusing on women and children. We established a women’s cooperative where only women will be employed. The cooperative will produce tomato paste. We have already applied for a grant to support this initiative. If our project is approved, the entire process, from the female farmer who grows the tomatoes to the factory that processes them, and from the factory to the cooperative, will involve women at every stage. It will create a space for sustainable women’s employment. We are also planning other projects with this same goal. These initiatives will be implemented through both the municipality and the cooperative.”

Protocol signed to combat gender-based violence

Tuba Sayılğan emphasized that the rate of violence against women in Muş is alarmingly high. She recalled that a protocol had been signed with the Muş Bar Association to address this issue: “We signed and implemented a protocol to ensure that women who experience violence can access legal rights and receive counseling services. In addition, as the municipality, we carried out various activities and workshops against violence by bringing together both our municipal staff and the wider community.” Sayılğan also pointed out the lack of dedicated spaces where women in Muş can seek help or express their concerns. She said, “There is no woman-specific center in the city where women can speak about their problems or access support. That’s why we have completed the infrastructure for our Women’s Solidarity Center. We will implement this project as soon as possible. Women will be able to access legal and psychological support there, as well as other services depending on their needs.”

Activities planned for youth

Tuba Sayılğan stated that new projects and activities are also being planned for young people and children. She noted that they will continue to organize concerts and seminars for youth. Recalling a major concert held on 15 May to celebrate Kurdish Language Day, which brought together thousands of young people, Sayılğan said: “Muş has long been a place where both youth and women have been subjected to assimilation by the system. As the municipality, we carried out a series of events as part of the Language Day and organized a festival. We once again witnessed how deeply Kurdish youth long for activities in their own language. Our efforts to preserve and promote the Kurdish people’s language, culture, and art will certainly continue. We will keep creating these spaces and expanding our activities.”

City Women’s Assembly to be established

Tuba Sayılğan noted that one of the biggest problems in the city is that women have not been able to participate in local decision-making processes. She said that this situation has begun to change, at least in part. Sayılğan explained: “For years, municipal work was carried out entirely by male directors and male employees. Both in the field and within the municipality, women were always assigned to supportive roles. Since we took office, we have prioritized the presence of women not only in fieldwork but also within the municipality’s internal operations. We have made sure that women, including technical staff, are actively included in decision-making processes. While we have managed to change this within the municipality, the same issue still exists in the field. To address this, we have decided to establish a City Women’s Assembly after visiting all relevant institutions. Through this assembly, we will create a space where all women in the city can participate, express their concerns freely, and find collective solutions to the problems they face. With the founding of this assembly, we aim to struggle not only for women’s rights in the city but also for broader solutions to the city’s challenges.”